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SURVEY GRAPHIC

VOLUME xxxiv, JANUARY-DECEMBER, 1945

SUBJECT AND TITLE INDEX-

Agenda for the American people, Clm.^-.

Air age transportation, Ogburn, 55
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, Kaempffert,

Alcoholism, roads to, Myerson, 49
Allied choices, three, Hill, 478
American choices, Mlllis, 241
American invasion, Mclver, 165
Among ourselves, 3, 35, S3, 115
Amphibious medicine, Brunner, 443
Anti-discriminatory legislation : On the
calendar of our consciences, Polier, Jus-
tine and Shad, 47

Art:

"Alert, the," painting by Alex Mac-
pherson, 203

"Atomic power," cartoon by Fitz-
patrick, 356

"Attila," etching by Ralph Fabri, 155

"Bernard M. Baruch." bronze sculp-
ture by Max Kalish, 401

"Britain's heritage," wartime post-
ers, 184

"Bullets and Barbed Wire," drawing
by Kerr Bby, 289

China in wartime, 130

"China's pursuit of light," Li Hwa,
cover illustration, Apr.

"Common Stream of Justice," murals
by Boardman Robinson, 236

"Communal Feeding Center," painting
by Leonard Daniels. 204

Cover illustrations, see Cover illus-
trations

"Ebb Tide, Tarawa," drawing by
Kerr Bby. 288

"Encamped Britain," paintings by
David Lax, 158

"Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1882-
1945," portrait bust by Jo David-
son, 169

"Ghost Trail," drawing by Kerr Eby,
287

"Manufacturing the Larger Size
Bombs," painting by Leslie Cole.
205

"President Harry S. Truman," bronze
sculpture by Max Kalish, 308

"Ruby Luftus, skilled war worker,"
painting by Dame Laura Knight,

"Sandbag Workers," painting by

Ethel Gabain, 205
"Small Mortar Loading," drawing by

Kerr Eby, 287
"Tarawa : Deathless Victory On the

Island of Death," drawing by Kerr

Eby, 288
"V-splrit of the people," paintings,

203-205
"Vannevar Bush," bronze sculpture

by Max Kalish, 428
"We Couldn't Have Done So Good

Without Him," drawing by Kerr

Eby, 289

"Women's Land Army : Dairy Train-
ing," painting by Evelyn Dunbar,

204

Atlantic Charter :

Four freedoms and, Shotwell, 172
Text of, 168

Atomic bombshell, the. Gilflllan, 357
Atomic energy, control of, Shotwell 407
Australia: Partners in the Soutlh Pacific
Nevins, 228

Babies on the doorstep, Davis, 438
Book reviews :

Abend, Hallet, Treaty ports, 132
Adams. James Truslow, Big business

in a democracy, 453
Alland and Wise, The Springfield

plan, 449

Authoritarian attempt to capture edu-
cation, 451

Baker, Ray Stannard, American
chronicle, 136

Bartlett. Ruhl J., The league to en-
force peace, 69

Beals, Carleton. et al. What the
South Americans think of us, 454

Becker, John, Negro in American
life, 332

Berge, Wendell. Cartels challenge
to a free world. 72

Beveridge, Sir William, The price of
peace, 448

Binper, Carl, The doctor's job. 299

Brandt, Karl, The recontruction of
world agriculture, 136

Brogan, D. W., The free state, 488

Bryson, Finkelstein, and Maclver,
Approaches to world peace, 69

Buck, Pearl S.. Tell the people, 132

Chase, Stuart, Democracy under pres-
sure, 298

Chase, Stuart, Men at work, 348

Chatto and Halllgan. The story of
the Springfield plan, 449

Churchill, Henry S., The c-ity is the
people, 449

Clark, John Maurice, DemobWasation
of wartime economic controls, 298

Cleghorn, Sarah, The seamless robe,
416

Colcord, Carver, Sea language conies
ashore, 105

Collins, Frederick L., Uncle Sam's
billion-dollar baby. 455

Daniels. Josephus, The Wilson Era :
Years of peace 1910-1917. 25

Davis, Harriet Eager, ed., Pioneers
in icorld order, 448

deHusxiu 1 . George B., New perspec-
tives on peace, 104

Du Bois, W. E. B., Color and democ-
racy, 415

Duffus. R. L., The valley and its peo-
ple. 71

Karhart, Mary. Frances Willard, 74

Eddy, Sherwood, / have seen God
work in China. 132

Kmbree, John P., The Japanese na-
tion, 415

Ernst, Morris L., The best is yet, 297

Feis. Herbert, The sinews of peace,
104

Finer, Herman, The TV A lessons
for international application, 71

Finletter. Thomas K., Can repre-
sentative government do the job
332

Fitzpatrick, Edward, McCarthy of
Wisconsin, 74

Fleisher. Wilfrid, What to do with
Japan, 134

Forman. Harrison, Report from Red
China, 132

Fry, Varian, Surrender on demand.
349 ,

Ooldmann. Franz, Public medical
care. 488

Gordon, R. A., Business leadership
in the large corporation. 298

Graham, George A., and Reining-.
Henry. Jr., Regulatory administra-
tion, 28

Gruber. Ruth, 7 went to the Soviet
Arctic, 73

Hansen, Alvin H., America's role in
the world economy, 348

Hansen. Alvin H.. and Perloff, Har-
vey S., State and local finance in
the national economy, 27

Harvard Committee, General educa-
tion in a free society. 376

Hauser, Heinrich, The German talks
back, 488

Hinshaw, David, A man from Kansas,
487

Jaffe, Bernard, Men of science in
America, 348

Jensen, Vernon H., Lumber and la-
bor, 454

Juran, J. M., Bureaucracy: A chal-
lenge to better management, 28

Kingdon. Frank, An uncommon man :

Henry Wallace and 60 million jobi,
378

T.a Farge, Oliver, Raw material, 347

Ijasker, Bruno. Asia on the more,
135

Lawrence, Josephine, Let us consider
one another, 331

Lorwin, Lewis L., Time for planning,
377

MacNeil. Neil, An American peace,
69

Maki, John M., Japanese militarism,
its cause and cure, 331

McWilliams, Carey, Prejudice : Jap-
anese Americans, symbol of racial
intolerance, 415

Miller, Arthur. Situation normal, 138

Milletl. Fred B., The rebirth of lib-
eral education, 137

Mises, Ludwig von, Omnipotent gov-
ernment, 104

Morgan, Arthur E., Edward Bellamy,
26

Mumford, Lewis, City development,
416

Murphy. Gardner, ed.. Human na-
ture and endurinij pence, 416

Niggi, Josephina, Mexican village,
464

Norris, George E., Fiuhtino liberal.
295

Ortega y Gasset, Jose, Mission of the
university, 137

Palencia, Isabel de, Smouldering free-
dom, 450

Payne, Robert. Forerrr China, 450

Perry, Ralph Barton, One world in
the makintj. 447

Richter, Werner, Re-educating Ger-
many, 415

Pink, Louis H., Freedom from fear,
an author replies, 75

Rosenman, Dorotihy, Million homes
a year, 296

Rosinger, Lawrence K.. China's crisis.
348

Roth. Andrew, Dilemma in Japan,

RumI, Beardsley, Tomorrow's busi-
ness, 298

Sands and Lalley, Our jungle diplo-
macy, 70

Shaw, Bernard. Everybody's political
what's what, 70

Smith and Zucher, A dictionary of
American politics, 75

Snow, Edgar, Pattern of Soviet
power. 490

Staley, Eugene. World economic de-
velopment, 70

Stapleton. Laurence, Justice and
world society, 72

Stegner. Wallace, One nation. 452

Tillich, Paul J., et al, The Christian
answer, 448

Tocqueyille, Alexis de. Democracy in
America. 332

Tong, Hollington K., China after
seven years of war, 132

Twentieth Century Fund, The pnti-rr
industry and the public interest, 71

Wales, Nym, The Chinese labor
movement, 132

Walton, Frank L., Thread of victory,
456

Warburg, James P., Foreign policy
br/iins at home. 69

Ward, Robert S., Asia for the Asi-
afirs, 414

Welles, Sumner. ed.. An intelligent
American's guide to peace, 349

White, Walter, A rising wind. 452

Ziff. William B., The gentlemen talk
of peace. 70

Zucker. Morris, The philosophy of
American History, 489

Bridges of the future, Shotwell. James

T., 37

British viewpoints, symposium, 185
By their French bootstraps, Roche, 476

California's health insurance drama, Sar-

tain, 440
Canada : Northern neighbor, MacCormac,

225

Cartoons : Fitzpatrick in St. Louis Post-
Dispatch, Mar. cover

Charter of the Golden Gate, Shotwell, 309
Child labor: They harvest New York's

crops, Close, 21

China in wartime, woodcuts, 130
Citizenship, trail-blazers in, Carlson, 362
Clean sweep in Puerto Rico, Clark, 63
Close-up, Gannett, 15'J
Collective bargaining-, new boundaries in,

Harris, 433
Congress: Will Congress clean house?

Kreighbaum, 409
Conscription, postwar, why now? Thayer.

314
Cover illustrations :

Bow of hospital ship "Solace," of

Okinawa ( photograph ) , Nov.
Call to work (photograph), Oct.
Cartoon by Fitzpatrick, Mar.
Crossed flags, Reiss, May
Helicopter, Aviation News, Feb.
Hungry, stateless, displaced persons

(photograph), Dec.
Liberty alight after V-E Day (photo-
graph), June

Modern research, U. S. Rubber Com-
pany (photograph), Jan.
"Pursuit of liglht," Li Hwa, Apr.
Stettinius. Edward R. (photograph),

July
Television control rfoom (photograph).

Aug.

Victory, Sept.
Crops, New York's, harvest of, Close, 21

Delinquents, they can be made over, Mc-

Cormick, 127
Displaced persons : A USA close-up,

Karpf, 282
Dumbarton hopes, Mowrer, 3

Economic bill of rights. Murray. 397
"Economic high command," Batt and

Mullen, 181
Education :

In a complex world, Hansen, 103
Reconversion on the campus, Thomp-
son, 366
Veteran goes to college, Andrews,

402
Electron tube : Aladdin's wonderful lamp,

Kaempffert, 89
Employment, full :
Act of 1945, 395
American bill : From patchwork to

purpose, Keyserling, 95
British plan : What Beveridge pro-
poses, Stewart, 93
Postwar taxes and, Newcomer, 60
Europe and the Mediterranean, Dean, 190

Farmers must go fishing, Davis, 125
Figlhting against time. Lehman, 474
Finch, Earl M., "An ordinary American."

Close, 52

Flanner House (photographs), 338
Fortunate city, Riis and Waldron, 339
Four freedoms :

Atlantic charter and, Shotwell. 172

Text of, 170

From the rubble up, Hagen, 477
Full Employment Act of 1945. 395
Future is already here, Amidon, 6

Germany :

Four horsemen over, Hagen, 434
Looking in on the Germans. Hansen,

What shall we do about? Shotwell. 99
Ginger in the British medicine chest.

Davis, 212

Go political, young man, Fischer, 322
Great Britain :

American invasion, Mclver, 165
British viewpoints: As tihey ft- it.

185
Ginger In the British medicine chest.

Davis, 212

Things of the spirit, Commager. 237
United Kingdom since Dunkirk.

Browne, 206

What the British face. Coyle. 213
When the coalition ends, Barnes, 2"!
Great partnership, the, Reed. 178

Hatch. D. Sprncer : Neighbor in n Jlcxi-

can valley, McEvoy, 290
Health :

Babies on the doorstep, Davis, 438
Better, for country folks. Glover and

Harding, 372
California's insurance drama. S;>r-

tain, 440

Care for all, Davis, 280
Farmers must go fishing, Davis, }-'<
Ginger in the British medicine chi-si.

Davis, 212

Legs of the hospital bed. Davis. :!2S
More things than one, Davis", 342
Progress, a milestone in, Davis, 185
Public health in the postwar world.

Winslow, 119
Statesmen discover medical care,

Davis, 101

Today and tomorrow, Davis. 40
When doctors disagree, Davis, 412
Housing, public, charts its course, Klutz-
nick, 15

India, Pacific basin and. Carter, 199
Insurance, buying, against sickness.

Klem, 483
Interdependent world, Shotwell, 359

Japanese-Americans :

Ordinary American, an, Close, 52
We're Americans again. Toriumi, 325

Joe Doakes, patriot, deFord, 43

Labor :

Problem .with a future, Lewar, 19
They harvest New York's crops.

Close, 21
Land and the Union of South Africa,

Bennett. 232

Last hundred thousand. Harrison, 460
Legislation, anti-discriminatory : On the
calendar of our consciences, Polier, Jus-
tine and Shad, 47

Legs of the hospital bed, Davis, 32S
Lend-lease, two-way (photographs), 172-

177
Letters and life, Hansen :

Education in a complex world. 10"
Looking in on Germany, 24
To be young, poor, and black, 68
West and the Far East, 131
White of Emporia, 487
Letters to the editor: About "Juan,"

Garcia, 305

Life savers, new. Galdston. 292
London's burning. Stuther (poetry). 217
Looking in on the Germans. Hansen. 24

Maps : Niger and its territory, 9
Medical care, statemen discover, Davis,

101

Medicine, amphibious, Brunner. 443
Mediterranean, Europe and the. Dean.

190
Milestone in health progress, Davis, 485

National personnel department, Corson

432
Negroes :

Fortunate city. Riis and Waldron,

339
"My Happy Days," these make up

(photographs), (ifi

To be young, poor, and black, Han-
sen, Harry. 68
Neighbor in a Mexican valley, McEvov,

290

New Zealand, partners in the South Pa-
cific. Ncvins, 228
Niger valley, Rossin. 8

Norris, George W. : Champion of popu-
lar rights, Hansen. 295

On the calendar of our consciences, Po-
lier, Justine and Shad, 47
Our "endless frontier," Shotwell, 429
Our last great chance, Agar, 153

Pacific Basin and India, Carter, 199

Palestine as a refuge from fascism,
Hirschmann, 195

Palisades, the 3d call, Lament, 317

Peace :

Bread and. Dewey, 117

Empty pay envelopes and. Hal!, DIM

Permanente Health Plan, that Kaiser
built, Garfield, 480

Personnel department, a national, Cor-
son, 432

Photographs :

Aircraft to lit varying postwar needs,

"Along the Palisades." 320
Blitzed cities look ahead, 218-220
i >ewey, John, 116
Flanner House, 338
Fortunate few, the, 468
del tins? acquainted, 162-164
"Lest we forget," 392-393
"My Happy Pays." these make ui>.

"On the Niger River." 2
San Quentin prison, war production,

ShoUvell. James T., 36
Szoltl. Henriftta. 18KO-1945, 84
Two-way lend-lea.se, 172-177
"V" that does not stand for victory,

388

Wagner, Robert F., 276
Poetry: London's Burning, Struther, 217
Political: Cli-an sweep in Puerto Rico

Clark, 63
Postwar :

Air age transportation, Ogburn. 55
('(inscription, why how? Thayer, 314
Future is already here, Amidon. 6
Health today and tomorrow, l>avis,

40
Public health in the postwar world.

Winslow, 11!)

Taxes and full employment. New-
comer, 60

Public housing charts its course, Klutz-
nick, 15
Puerto Rico, clean sweep In, Clark. 63

Race relations : Fortunate city, Riis nnd

Waldron, 339
Reconversion :

Is not enough, Haber, 389

On the campus. Thompson, :ii;ii
Roads to alcoholism, Myerson, 49

San Quentin prison : Joe Dnakcs, patriot.

deFord, 43

Security, more secure, Corson. 277
"Sixty million jobs" if , Amidon. 400
Social security, ten years of, Altmever,

368
Statesmen discover medical care, Davis,

101
Szold, Henrietta, 1860-1945 (photograph),

Taxes, postwar, and full employment,

Newcomer, 60

Television in 1960, Kaempffert, 344
Things of the spirit, Ciimmagor, 237
Toward a bigger pie, Grant, 285
Trail-blazers in citizenship. Carlson, 362
Transportation, air age, iiuliurn, 55

Unemployment: Empty pay envelopes and
peace, Hall, 394

Union of South Africa, land and, Ben-
nett, 232

United Kingdom since Dunkirk, Browne,
206

Veterans :

As uniforms are shed, Buell, 401
Goes to college, Andrews; 402

Wagner, Robert F (photograph), 276
War production, San Quentin prison,

deFord, 43

West and the Far East, Hansen. 131
White, William Allen, of Emporia. Han

sen, 487

Without a country. Chamberlain, 85
World War II :

American invasion, Mclver, 165
Common tasks and common purposes,

Roosevelt, 170
"Economic hig'h command." Batt and

Mullen, 181

Great partnerships, the Reed. 178
How one partner prized another

Churchill, 167
United Kingdom since Dunkirk.

Browne, 206
What the British face. Coyle, 213

Yalta charter, from, to the Golden Gate.
Shotwell, 123

-AUTHORS INDEX

Agar. H.rbert. <iur last great chance. 153
AJtmeyer, Arthur J., Ten years of social

security, 368
Amidon, BeulaJh :

"Best is yet, the," Morris L. Ernst

(book review), 297
Future is already here, the, 6
"One nation," Wallace Stegner (book

review), 452

"Sixty million jobs" if , 400
Andrews, John N., Veteran goes to col-
lege, 402

Arnold, Thurman, "Cartels challenge to
a free world," Wendell Berge (book
review), 72
Ascher, Charles S. :

"Bureaucracy : A challenge to bet-
ter management," J. M. Juran
(book review), 28

"Regulatory administration," George
A. Graham and Henry Reining, Jr.
(book review), 28

"Uncle Sam's billion-dollar baby."
Frederick L. Collins (book re-
view). 455
"Valley and its people, the," R. L.

Duffus (book review), 71
Astbury, B. E., British viewpoint, 189
Barker, Sir Ernest, British viewpoint,

189
Barnes. Joseph, When the coalition ends.

221
Batt, William I,., and Mullen, Robert R.,

"Economic toigh command," 181
Bennett, Hugh H., Land and the Union

of South Africa, 232

Beveridge, Sir William, British view-
point, 185

Bradley, Phillips. "McCarthy of Wis-
consin." Edward Fitzpatrick (book re-
view). 74
Browne, Mallory, United Kingdom since

Dunkirk, 206

Brunner, Endre K., Amphibious medi-
cine. 443
Buell, Bradley. As uniforms are shed,

401
Burris, Quincy Guy. "Mexican village,"

Josephine Niggli (book review), 454
Buttenheim, Harold S.. "Million homes a
year," Dorothy Rosenman (book re-
view), 296

Carey, Jane Perry Clark, "Can repre-
sentative government do the job,"
Thomas K. Ftnletter (book review),
332

Carlson, Avis D., Trail-blazers in citizen-
ship, 362

Carter, Edward C., Pacific basin and In-
dia, ,199

Chamberlain. Joseph P., Wittiout a coun-
try, 85
Chase. Stuart, Agenda for the American

people, 13
Churchill, Winston. How one partner

prized another, 167
Clark. Dean A.. "Public medical care,"

Franz Goldmann (book review), 488
Clark, Marjorie R., Clean sweep in Puerto

Rico, 63
Clark, Sir Kenneth, British viewpoint,

186
Close, Kathryn:

Ordinary American, an, 52
They harvest New York's crops 21
Commager. Henry Steele. Things of the

spirit, 237
Constant, Julie d'Estournelles de :

"An intelligent American's guide to
peace," Sumner Welles, ed. (book
review), 349

"Price of peace," Sir William Bever-
idge (book review), 448
"The gentlemen talk of peace," 'Wil-
liam B. Ziff (book review), 70
Corson, John J. :

More secure security, 277
National personnel department. 433
Coyle, David Cushman. What the British

face, 213
Dacey, W. Manning, British viewpoint,

189
Davidson, Jo, Franklin Delano Roosevelt

1882-1945, portrait bust, 169
Davis, Kingsley :

"Asia on the move," Bruno Lasker

(book review), 135

"Japanese militarism, its cause and
cure," John M. Maki (book re-
view), 331
Davis, Michael M. :

Babies on the doopstep, 438
Farmers must go fishing. 125

Ginger in the British medicine chest,
212

Health today and tomorrow, 40
Health care for all, 280

Legs of the hospital bed, 328
Milestone in .health progress, 485
.More things than one
Statesmen discover medical c;^ :
"The doctors job." Carl Binger

(book review), 299
Whi'ii (inctor? disagree, 412
Iv.'in. Yera Alicheles, Europe and the

Mediterranean, 190

deFord, Miriam Allen, Joe Uoakes, pa-
triot, 43

Dewey, John, Peace and bread, 117
Dickerman, Judson C.. "The power in-
dustry and the public interest" (book

review). 71

Dodds. Harold W.. "The rebirth of lib-
eral education," Fred B. Millett (bonk
review), 137

Eby, Kerr, drawings by, 287-289
lOliel, Paul, "Lumber and labor," Vernon

H. Jensen (book review), 454
Fabri, Ralph, "Attila," etching, 155
Feibleman, James, "Justice and world
society," Laurence Stapleton (book re-
view), 72
Fischer, Louis, Go political, young man,

322

Gaklston, lago. New life savers, 292
Gannett. Lewis ,S.. Close-up, 159
Garcia, J. D., Letters about "Juan," 305
Garfield, Sidney R., The plan that Kaiser

built, 480

Gibson, George, British viewpoint, 188
Gilfillan, S. Colum, Atomic bombshell,

357
Glover, Katherine :

Better health for country folks, 372

"The TVA lessons for international

application." Herman Finer (book

review). 71

Granger, Lester B., "Rising wind, a,"

Walter White (book review), 452
Grant, Ellsworth S. :

"Big business in a democracy," James
Truslow Adams (book review), 453
Toward a bigser pie. 285
Giver, Guy, "The city is the people,"
Henry S. Churchill (book review). 44!)
Gruenberg, Benjamin C., "Men of science
in America," Bernard Jaffe (book re-
view), 348
Haber, William, Reconversion is not

enough, 389
Hagan. Pan 1 :

Four horsemen over Germany, 434
From the rubble up, 477
Hall, Helen. Empty pay envelopes and

peace, 394
Han.sen. Harry :

Back into the democratic . stream

(book reviews), 347
Education in a complex world, 103
"Fighting liberal, autobiography of
rjje W. Norris" (hook review)
295
Governing a troubled community

(book reviews), 330
Harvard's sixteen courses (book re-
view), 376

Looking in on the Germans, 24
Morality in the modern world (book

review), 447
Three views of Japanese life (book

reviews), 414

To be young, poor, and black, 68
West and the Par East, 131
White of Emporia (book review),

487
Harding, T. Svvann, Better health for

country folks. 374

Harris, Herbert, New boundaries of col-
lective bargaining, 433

Harrison, Earl G., The last hundred thou-
sand, 469
Hartley, Sir Harold, British viewpoint.

Haynes, George E., British viewpoint,

Herrick, Elinore M., "Smouldering free-
dom," Isabel de Palenia (book review)
450

Hill, Russell, Three Allied choices, 478

Hintz, Howard W., "Democracy in Amer-
ica," Alexis de Tocqueville (book re-
view), 332

Hirschmann, Ira A., Palestine as a ref-
uge from fascism, 195

Hogg, Quintin, British viewpoint. 187

Holmes, Oliver. "Our jungle diplomacy "
Sands and Lalley (book review), 70

James, Earle K., "What the South
Americans think of us," Carleton Beals
et al (book review), 454

Johnson, F. Ernest :

"Christian answer, the," Paul .1. Til-

lich, et al (book review), 448
"The seamless robe," Sarah Clegliorn
(book review), 416

Jones, Allan Creech, British viewpoint,

187
Kaempffert, Waldemar :

Aladdin's wonderful lamp, 89
Television in 1960, 344
Karpf, Ruth, Displaced persons : A USA

close-up, 282

Kellogg, Richard Patrick, "Situation nor-
mal." Arthur Miller (book review), 138
Keyserling, Leon H. :

From patchwork to purpose, full em-
ployment, 95
"Time for planning," Lewis L. Lor-

win (book review). 377
Klem, Margaret C., Buying insurance

against sickness, 483
Klutznick, Philip M., Public housing

charts its course, 15
Kreigihbaum, Hillier, Will Congress clean

house? 409
Laider, Harry W.. "Edward Bellamy,"

Arthur E. Morgan (book review), 26
Lament, Corliss, The Palisades 3rd call

317
Lasker, Bruno :

China from the bottom up (book re-
views), 132
"China's crisis," Lawrence K. Ros-

inger (book review), 348
Laski, Harold J., British viewpoint, 180
Lasswell, Harold D., "Demobilization of
wartime economic controls," John Mau-
rice Clark (book review), 298
Lax, David, "Encamped Britain," paint-
ings by, 158
Lehman, Herbert H., Fighting against

Lewars, Diana, Labor problem with a

future, 19

Lindeman. Eduard C., "City develop-
ment," Lewis Mumford (book review),
416

Lindsay, Kenneth, British viewpoint, 187
Locke, Alain :

"Color and democracy," W. E B

DuBois (book review), 415
"Negro in American life," John

Becker (book review), 332
MacCormac. John, Northern neighbor, 225
MacDonald, Lois, "Wtorld economic de-
velopment," Eugene Staley (book re-
view), 70

Mallon, J. J.. British viewpoint. 187
McCormick, Elsie, They can be made

over, 127
McDonald, James G. :

"New perspectives on peace," George
B. deHuszar, ed (book review),

"The sinews of peace," Herbert Feis
(book review), 104

McEntire, Davis, "Prejudice : Japanese
Americans, symbol of racial intoler-
ance," Carey McWilliams (book re-
view), 415

McEvoy, J. P., Neighbor in a Mexican
valley, 290

Mclver, Honora Bruere, American in-
vasion, 165

Mead, Nelson P., "Surrender on demand "
Varian Fry (book review), 349

Mickle, Joe J.. "What to do with Japan "
Wilfrid Fleisher (book review), 134

Millis, Walter, American choices, 241

Moorhead, Helen Hovvell, "Pioneers in
world order," Harriet Eager Davis, ed
(book review), 448

Mowrer, Edgar Ansel. Dumbarton hopes 3

Mullen, Robert R., see Batt. William L

Murray, Philip, An economic hill of rights,
397

Myerson, Abraham, Roads to alcoholism
49

Neilson, William A, "Mission of the uni-
versity." Jose Ortega y Gasset (book
review), 137

Neumann. Sigmund. "Re-educating Ger-
many," Werner Riohter (book review).
415

Nevins, Allan, Partners in the South Pa-
cific. 228

Newcomer, Mabel. Postwar taxes and full
employment. 60

Ogburn, William Fielding, Air age trans-
portation, 55

Phillips. Lena Madsin, "Frances Wil-
lard," Mary Earhart (book review) 74

Pink, Louis H., An author replies, Free-
dom from fear, 75

Polier, Justine and Shad, On the calendar
of our consciences, 47

Reading, Lady, British viewpoint, 188

Reed. Philip D.. 'Great partnership, 178

Reiss, Winold, cover illustration by. May

Riis, Roger William, and Waldron,
Webb, Fortunate city, 339

Roche, Josephine, By their French boot-
straps, 476

Roosevelt, Franklin D.. Common tasks

and common purposes, 170
Rosinger, Lawrence K., "Forever China,"

Robert Payne (book review), 450
Rossin, Maurice Claude, The Niger val-
ley, 8

Ryan, John M., British viewpoint, 189
Ryan W. Carson, "Authoritarian attempt
to capture education" (book review).
451

Sartain, Geraldine, California's health in-
surance drama, 440
Scandrett Richard B., Jr. :

"American chronicle," Ray Stun-

nard Baker (book review), 136
"Everybody's political what's what,"
Bernard Shaw (book review), 70
Shinwell, Emanuel, British viewpoint, 188
Shotwell, James T. :

Bridges of the future, 37
Charter of the Golden Gate, 309
Control of atomic energy, 407
Four freedoms and Atlantic Char-
ter, 172

From Yalta to the Golden Gate, 123
Interdependent world, 359
Our "endless frontier," 429
What Shall we do about Germany?

99
Springer, Gertrude :

"Let us consider one another," Jose-
phine Lawrence (book review).
331

"Sea language comes ashore," Carver

Colcord (book review), 105
Stiger, Andrew J. :

"I went to the Soviet Arctic," Ruth

Oruber (book review), 73
"Pattern of Soviet power," Edgar

Snow (book review), 490
Stevens, Alden, "The Wilson Era : Years
of peace 1910-1917." Josephus Dan-
iels (book review), 25
Stewart, Maxwell S. :

"America's role in the world econ-
omy," Alvin H. Hansen (book re-
view), 348

What Beveridge proposes. 93
Struther, Jan, London's burning (poetry),

217

Studenski, Paul, "State and local finance
in the national economy." Hansen and
Perloff (book review), 27
Summerkill, Edith. British viewpoint, 187
Tead, Ordway :

"Business leadership in the large cor-
poration." R. A. Gordon (book re-
view). 298
"Democracy under pressure," Stuart

Chase (book review), 298
"Human nature and enduring peace,"
Gardner Murphy, ed. (Book re-
view). 416
"Men at work," Stuart Chase (book

review), 348

"Omnipotent government," Ludwig
von Mises, 104

"Tomorrow's business," Bearsdley

Rural (book review), 298
Thayer, V. T. :

"Springfield plan, the," Alland and

Wise (book review), 449
"Story of the Springfield plan," Chat-
to and Halligan (book review), 449
Why postwar conscription now? 314
Thompson, C. Mildred, Reconversion on

the campus, 366
Toriumi, Sophie and Donald. We're

Americans again, 325
Trevelyan, George M., British viewpoint,

186

Vansittart, Lord, British viewpoint, 185
Waldron, Webb, see Riis, Roger William
Walker, Snyder H. :

"The free state," D. W. Brogan

(book reviews), 488
"The German talks back," Heinrich

Hauser (book review), 488
Waring, P. Alston, "An uncommon man :
Henry Wallace and 60 million jobs,"
Frank Kingdon (book review), 378
Weybright, Victor, British viewpoint, 185
Wilson, M. L., "The reconstruction of
world agriculture," Karl Brandt (book
review), 136
Winant, John G., British and ourselves,

153
Winslow, C.-E. A., Public health in the

postwar world, 119

Xeichner, Oscar, "Philosophy of American
history," Morris Zucker (book review),
489

JflNU^RV IQ45

SURVEV

3O CENTSfl COPV

GRAPHIC

The Future Is Already Here

Introduction by BEULAH AMIDON of a scries for"l945

Niger Valley: A New Colonial Pattern Maurice Rossin

)umbarton Hopes Edgar Mowrer American Agenda Stuart Chase

Western Union Election Public Housing Migrant Harvesters

General Electric answers your questions about

TELEVISION

Q. What will sets cost after the war?

A. It is expected that set prices will begin
around $200, unless there are unfore-
seen changes in manufacturing costs.
Higher priced models will also receive
regular radio programs, and in addition
FM and international shortwave pro-
grams. Perhaps larger and more ex-
pensive sets will include built-in phono-
graphs with automatic record changers.

Q. How big will television pictures be?

A. Even small television sets will prob-
ably have screens about 8 by 10 inches.
(That's as big as the finest of pre-war
sets.) In more expensive television sets,
screens will be as large as 18 by 24
inches. Some sets may project pictures
on the wall like home movies. Natur-
ally, pictures will be even clearer than
those produced by pre-war sets.

Q. What kind of shows will we see?

A. All kinds. For example: (1) Studio
stage shows dancers, vaudeville, plays,
opera, musicians, famous people. (2)
Mo vies can be broadcast to you by tele-
vision. (3) On-the-spot pick-up of sports
events, parades, news happenings. G.E.
has already produced over 900 tele-
vision shows over its station, WRGB,
in Schenectady.

Q. Where can television be seen now?

A. Nine television stations are operating
today in Chicago, Los Angeles, New
York, Philadelphia, and Schenectady.
Twenty-two million people about one-
fifth of all who enjoy electric service
live in areas served by these stations.
Applications for more than 80 new tele-
vision stations have been filed with the
Federal Communications Commission.

Q. Will there be television networks?

A. Because television waves are practi-
cally limited by the horizon, networks
will be accomplished by relay stations
connecting large cities. General Electric
set up the first network five years ago,
and has developed new tubes that make
relaying practical. G-E station WRGB,
since 1939, has been a laboratory for
engineering and programming.

Q. What is G. E.'s part in television?

A. Back in 1928, a General Electric en-
gineer, Dr.E. F. W. Alexanderson, gave
the first public demonstration. Before
the war, G. E. was manufacturing both
television transmitters and home receiv-
ers. It will again build both after Victory.
Should you visit Schenectady, you are
invited to WRGB's studio to see a
television show put on the air.

TELEVISION, another example of G-E research

Developments by General Electric scientists and engi-
neers, working for our armed forces in such new fields as
electronics, of which television is an example, will help
to bring you new products and services in the peace years
to follow. General Electric Company, Schenectady, N. Y.

FOR VICTORY BUY AND HOLD WAR BONDS

Hear the General Electric radio program: "The G-E All-
Girl Orchestra." Sunday 1O p.m. EWT, NBC "The
World Today" news, every weekday 6:45 p.m. EWT, CBS.

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BEGINNING NEXT MONTH

SURVEY ASSOCIATES

announces a new

HEALTH DEPARTMENT

under the associate editorship of

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

chairman of the Committee on Research in
Medical Economics, who will write a
monthly "column" in Survey Graphic re-
viewing current events and pointing up issues
in new plans for medical care, new programs
for legislation. Major articles will illuminate
the imminence of HEALTH as a prime factor
in POSTWAR DEVELOPMENTS.

Our regular section in Survey Midmontbly,
will deal close-in with the working relation-
ships between medical services and social
work, with the spread of public health and
the widening applications of psychiatry.

The results of the Selective Service exam-
inations have dramatized the extent of
uncared for disease and defect in American
life. Shortages of doctors has accentuated
this. Meanwhile the physical and mental
rehabilitation of discharged service men is
challenging industry and the professions.
Preventive and curative medicine will be
factors in meeting human and economic
problems bound up in demobilization and
reconversion.

On every hand, there is mounting recog-
nition of the need for making medical care
more widely available, for enhancing post-
war opportunities of the professions entering
into the cast of characters taking part in the
drama of American health.

The war itself has been a spur to scientific
discovery and invention. Returned doctors
and returned servicemen, alike, will be alive
to what's ahead both in medical science and
in the organization of medical practice. Here
at home, hospital and health insurance plans
of a voluntary sort have spread rapidly.
Proposals for public programs are on the
agenda of state legislatures and Congress.

Our new associate editor is thoroughly
versed in this field. As director for medical
services of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, he
was one of the organizers of the Committee
on the Costs of Medical Care, under the
chairmanship of Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur.

In Survey Graphic for December, we
brought out an interpretation of the signifi-
cant report in which physicians, experts and
laymen present an "American Plan for Medi-
cal Care and Health Insurance." The article
was written by Michael M. Davis as chair-
man of this Health Program Conference.

Our association with him, however, goes
back much further. It was in 1927-28 that
we brought out a series of articles he wrote
as executive secretary of the Committee on
Dispensary Development, New York, which
broke ground for later developments.

SURVEY GRAPHIC for January. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. I. Published monthly and copyright 1045 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES INC. Publication Office. 34
North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburg, Pa. Editorial and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this issue 3d cents; $3 a year: Koreijm
postaue 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on June 22, 1940 at the post office at East Stroudshurg Pa under the Act of March
3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3. 1917. authorized Dec. 21. 1921. Printed In U.S.A.

How many ways can you build a globe?

As many as you please provided the parts fit!

The communication system which carries
your voice across a continent and beyond,
works because its millions of interlocking
parts are engineered to fit. There are thou-
sands of switchboards, 26 million telephone
instruments and 65 million miles of circuits.

Each individual part, no matter how inge-
nious, is merely a unit in the whole system.
The final test is does the system work?
This is the engineering ideal of Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories. It has helped to create
the greatest telephone system in the world.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

Among Ourselves

THE LATE VICTOR LAWSON, PUBLISHER OF THE
Chicago Daily News, was far in advance of his
times when, in the early years of the century,
he spread a galaxy of star reporters over the
continent of Europe. Two young Mowrers,
Paul Scott and Edgar Ansel, were among them.

Edgar Ansel Mowrer (page 5) covered the
French, Belgian, and Italian fronts in World
War I, and between the two wars was in
turn chief of the Italian, German, and French
bureaus. He was covering Washington at the
time of Pearl Harbor; and thereafter spent
fifteen months in government service as deputy
director, first of the Office of Facts and Figures,
then of the Office of War Information. Today,
he is a free-lance, here and overseas, with a
syndicated column in a score of newspapers.

In 1939, Mr. Mowrer contributed from
Paris a major article, "Minorities of Opinion"
to the first of our "Calling America" series of
special issues. His lead article here gives the
quintessence of a speech early this winter be-
fore the Union for Democratic Action. The
charge he made to listeners on that occasion
can be passed on to our readers.:

"As individuals you have some power. As a
group, you are more powerful still. Get these
things straight in your minds and go to work.
Newspaper editors and radio commentators are
sensitive: prod them in every way you can.
Your President and your Congress are vulner-
able: remind them of this fact. Hold meetings,
write letters and telegrams, influence political
parties and groups, work through organiza-
tions, give money. Now is the time the game
has to be played."

"If We Want Small Farming"

To THE EDITOR: CHARLOTTE PRINCE RYAN, IN
her article on the small farmer [December
1944 Survey Graphic], is hitting squarely at
the fundamental cleavage in agriculture and its
most important problem. As a small farmer
myself I would uphold her as to facts and
basic interpretation.

Mrs. Ryan is perfectly clear on the point
that modern agriculture is an integral part of
our capitalist industrial society, that big agri-
culture has made its adjustment to business
and industry, and that small farmers, driven
by poverty and overwork, are playing "follow
the leader," where the leaders know all the
tricks.

If small farmers constitute so sizable a chunk
of America diat they cannot be ignored; if,
as Mrs. Ryan indicates, there persists in Amer-
ican farmers a will to independence that makes
them think of themselves as farmers even when
they become dispossessed workers and even
when adversity has produced in them selfish-
ness, suspicion, and undesirable character-
istics for good citizenship then it becomes
necessary for us to think about our farm

In December Survey Midmonthly
So You Can Retire by Milton H. Glover
Army Mental Hygiene by S/Sgt. Alfred ].

Kahn and Sgt. Evan J. Scott
Employment of Veterans by Kathryn Smut
Education and Barbed Wire by Eunice

Glenn
Taxes and Social Work by Carl P. Herbert

VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS

Survey Graphic for January 1945

Cover: Modern Research; Courtesy of U. S. Rubber Company

On the Niger River: Photographs

Dumbarton Hopes EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER 5

The Future Is Already Here BEULAH AMIDON 6

The Niger Valley MAURICE CLAUDE ROSSIN 8

Agenda for the American People STUART CHASE 13

Public Housing Charts Its Course PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK 15

Labor Problem with a Future DIANA LEWARS 19

They Harvest New York's Crops KATHRYN CLOSB 21

Letters and Life 24

Looking in on the Germans HARRY HANSEN 24

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC

Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
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Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCAHDRETT, JR.; vice-
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problem not only from the standpoint of the
economics of production but from the stand-
point of an efficiency by which society best
employs its citizens.

The present economic plight of small farmers
is largely caused by the unequal relationships
whereby a small sector of farmers has gained
political power and economic control of the
distribution system as well as a dominant ac-
cess to capital and credit. This, of course, need
not be, once the situation is understood by
enough people.

I am not convinced that a society charac-
terized by monopoly and poverty is inevitable.
I am convinced that small farmers, their gov-
ernment, and the American people can so
regulate the situation that we will employ that
large section of American citizens engaged in
farming in a socially effective and satisfactory
fashion. Small farmers will, unquestionably,
have to learn the need for and the techniques
of organization, and government must secure
that right, free of external interference.

Government can also strengthen the small
farmer by removing the present hidden sub-
sidies to industrial farming and special privi-
leges now enjoyed by certain farm organiza-
tions. The provisions of the Social Security Act
could be extended to small farmers, and a

great many more things could be done to
shore up their economic and social situation.

It is only because I feel that Mrs. Ryan's
excellent analysis lacks sufficient emphasis on
possible solutions to a difficult problem that I
write this letter. P. ALSTON WARING

Co-author oj "Roots in the Earth"

Two Friends Have Gone

WE HAVE BEEN SADDENED BY THE RECENT DEATHS

of two good friends. The Rev. Dr. Endicott
Peabody, founder of Groton School and for
56 years its headmaster, had been since 1914
a member of Survey Associates. Ten years
after joining he became a $100 contributing
member. His check arrived each January 10
for twenty years, a treasured expression of his
interest and faith in our publishing enterprise.
Eunice Fuller Barnard, former education
editor of The New Yor% Times, and since 1938
the education director of the Alfred P. Sloan
Foundation, was a contributor of occasional
distinguished articles and book reviews to
Survey Graphic. The last, published in the
December issue, came to us from the country
home where she was trying to recuperate from
a long illness. It was written with all the
insight and imagination that readers long have
associated with her name.

French Press and Information Service
Fountain in the market center of Bamako, city on the Niger

ON THE NIGER RIVER

(See page 8)

Supply Mission for France

SURVEY

GRAPHIC

Dumbarton Hopes

WHETHER WE LIKE IT OR NOT, WE HAVE
entered the new age. Dominating this age
is the fact that all countries are interde-
pendent. Security and peace are henceforth
indivisible. So, probably, are freedom and
prosperity. If security and peace are at-
tacked anywhere, they are threatened the
world over. If somewhere freedom is de-
nied, it is in danger everywhere. Unless
prosperity spreads, it goes by the board.

This is a startlingly new situation and
particularly concerns the United States
for our fundamental aims are precisely
freedom, security, peace, and prosperity.

The coming victory will have preserved
our freedom; but unless it preserves peace,
there will be no future security. No people
can be sure of winning all future wars.
Without peace there will hardly be lasting
prosperity. Preparation for war will grow
monstrous. Without peace, freedom will
shrink, for in the vain process of seeking
security through super-armament we shall
move toward dictatorship.

Nature knows but one unpardonable sin:
the failure of a living organism to adapt
to a changing environment. This some-
times results from deficient intelligence as
with the vanished dinosaur whose brain,
according to H. G. Wells, was no larger
than the ganglia of its rump. That inter-
esting bird, the dodo, simply sat and
ignored the advent of the Ice Age. Un-
happily, these creatures have reincarnated
in human form. Even in the groves of
Capitol Hill in Washington, D. C., a nature
student can find splendid examples stub-
bornly heading for extinction.

"Winged Peace or Winged Death"

The New Age is not around the corner
it's here. In his recent book, Air Marshal
William A. Bishop, a Canadian airman of
thirty years experience, puts it bluntly:
"The air age faces mankind with a sharp
choice the choice between winged peace
and winged death." "Billy" Bishop asks us
to choose winged peace. At this, our dumb
dinosaurs and inattentive dodos hiss and
cackle: "Isolation was good enough for our
fathers. Through it we became the greatest
nation on earth. Leave well enough alone."

They have not grasped the coming air
age. Today, American scientists can pro-
duce rocket bombs with which New York
could carry on trans-Atlantic war with
London. Mexico might engage in a bomb-

EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER

By an ace American correspondent
and columnist (see page 3).

tossing contest with Canada over the heads
of New Yorkers unaware of them until
a dud, dropping into Times Square would
bring down the Hotel Astor. The German
vengeance weapons, V-l and V-2, are only
first crude harbingers of winged death.

Clearly, we stand at the beginning of a
change in living conditions as startling as
when our remote ancestors finally found
the courage to creep from protecting caves
and live in the sunlight. Yet, if we fail to
stave off global technological war, back
into the caves we shall go. Doubtless these
will be de luxe caverns guaranteed bomb-
proof and insulated against poison gas.

They will be air conditioned, central heat-
ed; will gleam with marvelous plastics and
twinkle with new gadgets. But they will
be caves just the same marking not an
amusing interlude but a major defeat in
the history of man. Unless we re-adapt to
changed conditions, the new age will be a
calamity. Yet it could be the most glorious
age in the history of mankind, with the
whole earth the possession of its children.

War or Permanent Peace

The choice collectively speaking is
ours. The problem is war; the solution,
permanent peace. Nothing less can guar-
antee us against the caves and a new ice-
age of the human spirit. Only when we
face this can we see the transcendent im-
portance of the Dumbarton Oaks pro-
posals for a United Nations' Organization.

In these proposals lies the hope of the
world! How then, ought citizens to think
about them? Surely, as my old philosophy
professors used to say, ideologically in
terms of their adequacy to their purpose.
This purpose is the establishment of lasting
peace on earth. Other purposes exist, but
are all secondary. Civilization will not sur-
vive the winged death of the air age. Right
there is the criterion.

Let us remember that other devices for
preserving the peace have been tried and
regularly failed isolation, armed imperial-
ism, a balance of power, preponderant alli-
ances. Many who see this still insist that
the time for an effective international or-
ganization that is to say, for peace has
not come; that we must put our trust in
armed national might and alliances. The

amount of naked power wedded to a "sov-
ereign" state cannot possibly prevent war.
It never has and it never will. By insistence
on sovereignty which in last analysis
means freedom to wage war sovereign
states perpetuate what they seek to avoid.

The cure for sovereignty is super-national
law. The purpose of an international organ-
ization worthy of the name is to establish
and enforce such law. Only that and readi-
ness to uphold it can guarantee lasting
peace. "Exactly," the sovereignty-with-
power-alliance boys interrupt. "Just what
we said. More important than structure is
the desire to make it work." Just a minute.
Few have the patience to chop hard wood
with a stone ax. We need not choose be-
tween "making the instrument strong" and
"making it work." The stronger it is, the
easier to make it work.

Weak Peace or Certain Death

Which brings us back to the Dumbarton
Oaks proposals. These at this writing
do not envisage a true international admin-
istration to enforce super-national law, but
rather an International Vigilance Commit-
tee. They are not the long awaited sure-fire
guarantee against war, but merely a step
between lawlessness and law. They may not
even provide for coercing those big powers
who alone can make big wars.

Nonetheless, the Oaks proposals contain
within them a seed that could develop into
a real guarantee. That is the clause which
excludes violence or threat of violence by
national states except at the behest of the
international community. Once deprived
of the right to use violence for national
purposes, even the most powerful sovereign
states must come to rely on law for secur-
ity. Thereby lasting peace becomes possible.

Between now and the adoption of the
final statute of the United Nations' Organ-
ization, we should work to make that
organization strong. Once the final text is
written, we must fight to get it accepted
by the American Senate and implemented
by the American Congress. Then we must
struggle to make it work; struggle to make
it the supreme point in our political life, to
make it the custodian of super-national law.

The stakes are the highest in the world
nothing less than the lives and happiness
of our children and our children's children.
Do not send them back to the caves. Give
them the planet as their playground!

The Future Is Already Here

Wonders wrought by science in a period of production miracles, which
will change our postwar lives an introduction to a series of articles.

WAR CASTS A GRIM LEDGER. ON THE RED SIDE

fall the casualty lists, with their incalculable
totals of lost talent, energy, and leadership.
But in paying this great price, civilization
gains not only the essentials for victory but
immeasurable advances in discovery and in
the application of new knowledge.

Today's headlines carry word of "secret
weapons," of mysterious ways of dealing
death and destruction. These gains on the
debit side of war's ledger are not "new."
They are the result of two decades or more
of exploration and discovery in the labora-
tories of many nations. They represent mili-
tary and industrial advantages that, without
war, would not have come for many years.
But, too, they represent vast potentials on
the other side of the ledger the side of
man's conquest over the forces of the uni-
verse, of happier and more secure ways of
living on this planet.

As the scientist sees the horizon of man's
understanding, war brings nothing hitherto
unknown. The tanks, planes, radio, medical
care of the last war the weapons and the
medical advances of this do not represent
fresh discoveries, except possibly in medi-
cine. Today's "new technology" is chiefly
evidence that a process begun long ago has
been accelerated.

The Airplane of Tomorrow

Look, for instance, at modern planes and
high-octane gas, the motor fuel of today
and the future; at rocket motors and jet
propulsion. Consider the airplane of to-
morrow, in sight just out there on the
hangar apron, behind the jet-propulsion
bird:

"It will leave the ground smoothly, im-
pelled by rocket motors which will assist
its jet engines to get it off with huge loads,
hitherto beyond our thinking. Once off,
power will switch from the rocket engines
to the jet engines, for the excellent reason
that an airplane will fly comfortably with at
least 50 percent more load than it can take
off from the ground. The jets will attend
to the provision of motor power until very
high altitudes (in today's conception of
altitude) are reached. Ultimately, however,
the new aircraft will come into stratospheric
altitudes in which the jet, requiring oxygen,
will tire and finally quit. Then the rockets
will come into play again. . . .

"The plane will then thrust forward
smoothly through the stratosphere at some-
thing faster than the speed of sound, and
probably somewhere between 1,000 and
1,500 miles an hour. That will go on until
the destination is, say, some 500 miles and
30 minutes away. Then the nose will turn
down the long hill, and near the airport
the jets will come into action and before
the passenger in his air conditioned and

BEULAH AMIDON

By the associate editor of .Survey
Graphic who has general responsibility
for the series, with Waldemar Kaempf-
fert, science editor of The New 'York
Times, as counselor.

In the next months:

Transportation in the Air Age, by
William F. Ogburn, University of Chi-
cago, who has just completed a special
study of the subject.

Television: the New Communication,
by Robert W. King, of the Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories.

Electronics: the Mind of the Machine,
by Waldemar Kaempffert.

Later:

Synthetics from Laboratory to Mass
Production

Drugs and Plasma: the New Life
Savers

Public Health: New Levels of Preven-
tion and Care

sound-proof cabin knows it, he will be back
on terra firma, after crossing the Atlantic
Ocean in three hours, perhaps less."

These are the words, not of a contempo-
rary Jules Verne, but of Air Marshal
William A. Bishop of the Royal Canadian
Air Force. They give some indication, not
of laboratory hypotheses, but of the facts
of the world to which you and I must ad-
just our thinking and our lives.

Advertisers today dream up for us a
fantastically pleasant and convenient post-
war scene in which we are to enjoy an
infinite variety of engaging gadgets and
comforts. But these playthings (and work
things) are secondary to the solid advances
of modern technology the patient gains
of laboratory and testing field suddenly
made available to us under the forcing of
war's necessity. In chemistry, physics, medi-
cine, the advances mean that we have left
the world in which we all grew up for a
world of new dimensions in production,
transportation, communication, health; new
perils of speed, destruction, and unemploy-
ment.

Laboratory to Mass Production

There is no measure as yet of the ac-
celerated technological advances of war-
time. Take, for example, the development
of synthetic rubber. Two factors produced
it, so far as America is concerned: Japanese
conquest in the Far East, cutting off sup-
plies of natural rubber; the dependence of
mechanized warfare on tires for planes,
tanks, trucks, tractors, motor cars. Amer-
ican industry was faced with the nation's
crucial alternative make rubber or perish.
The answer was the almost unbelievable

expansion of synthetic rubber from labora-
tory to mass production in eighteen months.
Today, the American output of synthetic
rubber is far in excess of prewar importa-
tions of natural rubber. This was a "do or
die" development, achieved without regard
for expense. The progress scientific and
economic of years was telescoped into
months. It trails unanswered postwar prob-
lems, including the industrial allocation of
raw materials, the question of markets, of
dislocation of manpower, of capital invest-
ment, of free enterprise. Is it more eco-
nomical to make rubber from a base de-
rived from petroleum or from grain alcohol?
Should our economy extend or narrow the
uses of synthetic rubber? What would the
further expansion of synthetic rubber mean
to the world's supplies of petroleum? To
the farmers of the grain belt? To shipping?
To East Indian planters and plantation
hands? Who is thinking of these things?
Do we have the answers?

New Uses for Labor

"Man is a working animal," the econo-
mist reminds us. But technological advance,
making possible television, jet propulsion,
"the kitchen of the future," new conveni-
ences and comforts brings also revolutionary
changes in the use of man's labor.

For example, the technology of the future
envisages the use of the strength and light-
ness of aluminum on a very wide scale. We
know already that aluminum means lighter
trains and trucks, and hence faster and more
economical transportation. But the use oi
aluminum, as wartime developments show
it, goes much farther and the construction
worker who calmly shoulders an aluminum
beam, instead of waiting for a crane to
swing a steel one into place, already is a
commonplace of the army engineers and
the Seabees. True, steel is cheaper in dollars
and cents today. But the use of the lighter
material makes possible huge savings in
manpower and in time.

Perhaps more far-reaching, and certainly
more mysterious to the layman, are the ap-
plications of electronics. Here is a new sort
of transfer of skill, something like the en-
dowment of the machine with intelligence.
Thus out of the laboratory to the front
pages last summer there came a super-
calculator, to which a man gives orders
through radio and the photo-electric cell:
"Total the preceding and begin to group
and the obedient machine proceeds to
eliminate the toil of ranks of bookkeepers
and statistical clerks. The whole process of
making synthetic rubber is controlled elec-
tronically, and in the vast complexities of
the plants at Institute, W. Va., and Nauga-
tuck, Conn., one encounters very few work-
men, in the accustomed sense, but rather the

SURVEY GRAPHIC

occasional technician, giving orders to all
but sentient mechanisms.

New Production Demands

Over against such advances in the sub-
stitution of materials, processes, and devices
for manpower must be set the war-created
and war-stimulated demands for produc-
tion. For example, this country needs today
at least 10,000,000 new housing units, 25,-
000,000 to 30,000,000 cars and trucks, a vast
quantity of the household necessities of the
machine age, such as vacuum cleaners, re-
frigerators, washing machines, electric irons,
radios. Here is a market that holds promise
of maximum use of productive capacity and
full employment. But this hungry market
has in itself stimulated another sort of tech-
nical advance.

To overcome the wartime shortage in
manpower, industry has achieved increased
efficiency and output per worker. Fewer
men are required today because fewer men
are available. We have not yet had time to
consider what this will mean when, for
maximum civilian consumption, the num-
ber of workers employed may be substan-
tially under current figures.

We hear much today about the changes
the "new technology" will bring to our
daily lives. Insofar as it is possible to look
ahead, scientists agree that the major dis-
locations will be few. There will, however,
be minor adjustments which all of us will
be required to make. The test of our ability
to use the new technology will be our suc-
cess in making these adjustments. For ex-
ample, dehydrated foods offer a solution to
one aspect of what traditionally has been
called "the servant problem."

A more radical adaptation is forecast by
the present outlook for television. It is well
within the range of present possibilities to
televise movies into the home and what
will this do to the motion picture theaters,
and their ramifications? Further, television
opens up a new range of shopping from
the housekeeping desk in the family kitch-
en, with televised pictures of foods, fabrics,
clothing, gadgets, moving across a small
icreen at the housewife's elbow.

Perhaps a major effect of technological
advance on our personal lives will be its
effect on housing. The postwar house, as the
experts see it today, will have a central
unit that takes care of air conditioning,
heating, plumbing, and electrical inlets and
outlets. The home will be designed around
that unit, just as the home of our forebears
was designed around the chimney and the
hearth. The "new" home will be a flexible
structure, with movable partitions, units
that can be added or subtracted as the
family grows or diminishes, and financing
based on the cost of the structure, rather
than on land costs. It may bring a change
in the idea of permanency, with land rented
for the home, and a housing unit frankly
designed for limited durability a house
that will serve family needs for decades
rather than for generations.

This type of change may affect trans-
portation as well as housing. Postwar de-
velopments presage another crisis on the
railroads. Looking at wartime gains, we
know that the trip from New York to San

JANUARY 1945

Francisco by air is now possible in terms
of hours instead of days a breakfast-to-
dinner jaunt, costing some $135. All this
means a change in the mode of the railroads
business, with pick-up freight, door-to-door
delivery in containers, and fixed schedules
as the future railroad scheme of freight
handling. In the estimation of the railroad
executive, passenger traffic always has been
secondary to freight. But in the years ahead,
the railroads must develop a scheme of
cheap handling in less than carload lots,
providing, like the trucks, the convenience
of door-to-door delivery.

But the effect of the "new technology" on
transportation does not stop with revamped
railroad practices, and networks of truck
and bus highways. There are the possi-
bilities of the helicopter as a "family plane."
As this development stands today, the heli-
copters are not as readily mastered as the
early reports forecast. But helicopters seem
to place within our grasp a form of family
air transportation which is easily handled,
requires no airport or highway system, and
promises a relatively swift means of getting
the family from the city to the country, to
the homes of relatives, on sightseeing jaunts,
and home again. Even so, this plane would
be a very minor auxiliary to stratospheric
aviation and the possibilities it holds out
for planetary travel and transportation.

In the kitchen of the postwar home, elec-
tronics seem likely to bring major changes.
The electronic range offers the possibility
of control such as the cooks of yesterday
and today never have known. Cooking in
this new adaptation can be "from the inside
out," which means that a stew or pot roast
can be prepared on top of the range in
a porcelain bowl or tureen, in which it is
brought to the table. Baking, roasting, broil-
ing, simmering, can be done in plain sight,
with complete control over time and tem-
perature, and the family kitchen, like the
synthetic rubber plant, will be a matter of
gauges and automatic control.

We Can Be Healthier

Perhaps closer to our personal lives than
jet propulsion planes or electronic cooking
are the postwar possibilities in the field of
medicine and public health. At the war's
end, some 11,000,000 men in the armed
forces will have learned what good medical
care means. Among them will be millions
who never in civilian life enjoyed the ad-
vantages of modern dentistry, hospitaliza-
tion, immunization, nutrition, and exercise.
It is questionable whether returning service
men, and women or the physicians and
dentists themselves with service experience
will be content with the catch-as-catch-
can medical care now available to civilians.
The logical move would seem to be an ex-
tension of the social security system to in-
clude compulsory health insurance a way
of rationing the available medical care
among all the people.

The new advances in drugs and transport
have won headlines, as correspondents here
reported the almost miraculous accomplish-
ments at the front of penicillin, the sulfa
drugs, plasma, the new handling of frac-
tures and wounds, the checking of epi-
demics by insecticides, die increase in food

supplies through the control of insect
enemies and plant disease. There remains
the less colorful but even more far-reaching
change in attitude toward injury and
disease, toward the interrelationship of body
and spirit, with notable gains in handling
such problems as convalescence, fatigue,
shock, anxiety.

< All technological advance means a change
in education. To many authorities, the cur-
rent trend is revolutionary. Certainly the
outlook is for more vocational training, with
a corresponding shrinkage in liberal arts
education. But aside from the shift in focus
and emphasis, there is bound to be a change
in method. The forced-draft training of the
armed services have developed new prac-
tices in many fields, notably in mathematics,
languages, science, and mechanics. There
has come, too, an appreciation of the waste
of time involved in the leisurely academic
schedules of prewar years, and re-examina-
tion of the traditional long summer vaca-
tions. The outlook seems to be for an over-
hauling of the educational system, for time
saved in elementary and high schools, a
new emphasis on "tool subjects" and their
effective mastery, flexible study-job pro-
grams, closer contact between education
and the going world.

Needs of Mankind

But above all, the new technology points
to security as the most important factor in
modern life. It is an exciting adventure to
contemplate the advances in communication,
transportation, production, health, that the
new technology places within our grasp.
But even electronic ranges, television, peni-
cillin, jet propulsion planes, are unimportant
in themselves, if we cannot harness them to
constructive uses.

War has seen the development of new
weapons to destroy man and die work oi
his hands, new methods of repairing the
ravages of mechanized war in maiming
men and exposing them to unprecedented
hazards of disease, speed, and munitions.

In the months ahead, Survey Graphic
will explore some of the advances in the
fields of chemistry, physics, transportation,
communication, medicine, and public
health. But this series of articles cannot stop
with describing the miracles of synthetics,
television, the sulfas and penicillin, DDT,
rocket planes, electronics. Allied to the new
advances and discoveries are the urgent
problems of peacetime use. Economists tell
us that there will be a slight depression
immediately after the war, then a great
boom, as we harness productive capacity to
the needs of civilians around the world. But
a decade later will come the real issue
can we gear production and distribution to
the needs of mankind?

In confronting unimagined vistas of pro-
duction, these writers will look beyond die
wartime accomplishment: How can we use
the skills and experience of the 60,000,000
workers who must be kept at work if this
nation is to maintain maximum production
and full employment? How can we apply
the advances of technology so that they will
mean around the world more secure and
happier lives for men and women and their
children?

The Niger Valley

The land and people along a great African river, once called the "Nile of the Negroes," are
ready for fresh adventures in liberty, equality, fraternity on the part of a new France.

MAURICE CLAUDE ROSSIN

IT IS NOT ALTOGETHER ASTONISHING THAT SO

great a river as the Niger is so little known.
For, unlike the Nile, it has not inspired
historians and dramatists; much less have
its praises been sung by poets. Here in th?
United States, I have found that, at least in
the public mind, it remains a "poor rela-
tion" of that illustrious watershed on the
other side of the African continent.

Emergence from oblivion is merited by
this wonderful stream which stretches for
over 2,600 miles. It carries immense possi-
bilities in its current vast wealth not only
of water but of transport and power. The
recompense to those who bring its riches
to light will be all the more because nature
hid them for so long and rendered their
accessibility difficult.

For twenty years and more, audacious
Frenchmen, handicapped but not halted by
World War II, have struggled to give to
this waterway its rightful place in the great
family of river basins as a nurturer of life
and culture, a generator of livelihood and
natural wealth.

The Niger rises near the sea in the semi-
tropics less than 150 miles inland from
the Atlantic on the northern declivity of
mountains that border French Guinea. Like
Caesar's Gaul, it can be divided into three
parts:

The Upper Niger young, turbulent, of
little constructive value, this flows from its
source northeast to Bamako along a route
of some 300 miles;

The Middle Niger mature, wise, con-
structive, this swings by a huge curve
through the French Sudan from Bamako
to below Gao, some 1,100 miles; thereafter

The Lower Niger old, peaceful and en-
riched, this flows south to its mouth in
British Nigeria, 1,200 miles to the south.

The Middle Niger

It is the mature Niger, midway of its
course, which is the most interesting of
these reaches, the one most likely to be
the immediate scene of creative advance.
Its history is that of a tenacious fight for
possession against the desert. This fight,
running water has won and, having won, it
offers to man an immense field of enter-
prise. Here, in the course of eons, in an
immense depression in what is now the
center of the Sudan, the river created a
vast interior delta, and filled it with allu-
vium as it flowed on its way.

Today, as the map will show you, this
vast region is the hub of French West
Africa and forms the larger part of Soudan
Francois, one of the colonies making up
the Federation known as A.O.F. (Afrique
Occidental Francaise). The others are:
Mauritania at the northwest; Senegal to
the west; French Guinea, southwest; Ivory

Coast in the south; Togoland and Dahomey
to the southeast; and Niger Colony at the
east.

The French settlements along the coastal
zone were founded in the seventeenth cen-
tury. It was only at the beginning of the
nineteenth (1823) that a Frenchman, Rene
Caille, journeyed through the Sudan and
along the middle valley of the Niger, reach-
ing Timbuktu after many adventures. He
crossed the Sahara in returning to France.

French penetration and final settlement
in the interior regions date from the last
part of the nineteenth century, with the
deeds of Archinard and Bonnier, of the
young Joffre and Gouraud. It was only
after World War I, however, that practical
interest began to focus on this region.
There was everything to be done; few or
no maps; few or no roads. A few miles
from the banks of the river and you came
to the unknown.

Nonetheless, all along there had existed
all the elements to provide ampler footholds
for native life and a new and resourceful
setting for civilization. Such as:

alluvial soil, fertile and flat (on an aver-
age of 3 to 5 inches declivity per mile),

By one of the first emissaries to reach
us from Dakar the young and vigorous
chief of social and economic engineering
(as distinct from dam building and pub-
lic works) in the Niger River office.

His mission for the government of
French West Africa took him across the
United States to study irrigation
specifically for the cultivation of rice.
He has put himself abreast, also, of pro-
grams of settlement, of rural and urban
development, in areas reached by our
new networks of canals and cables which
spread the moisture and energy of run-
ning streams.

Mr. Rossin had a rounded equipment
for pioneering as a state engineer. He
holds degrees from The Institut National
Agronomique, the Ecole Superieure du
Genie Rural and the Ecole Superieure
d'EIectricite all in Paris. Even more, he
had subsequent field experience: first in
Morocco, where he worked both in
colonization and on hydraulic installa-
tions; then with a mission of the French
Ministry of Agriculture to Egypt and
the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.

The French apply the word "exploita-
tion" to the Niger program for recap-
turing land and water; for building up a
food supply and a labor force. But as
Mr. Rossin outlines these early stages,
the pattern would seem a complete break
with old formulae of imperialistic coloni-
zation, and with our own hoary tradi-
tions of "sharecropping."

extending over a territory of several mil-
lion acres;

a river which pours sixty billion cubic
yards of water into the sea each year;

a climate permitting the cultivation of all
tropical plants;

a primitive population which, although
sparse, is friendly, hard working, land
loving.

N. V. A.

Nature had disposed these factors gen-
erously, but unfortunately had not united
them. It was up to modern men to make
the necessary integration, and in 1932 the
French government entered upon the task,
establishing an "Office du Niger." Develop-
ments since have been strongly influenced
by its great American contemporary, the
Tennessee Valley Authority.

First came difficult topographical studies;
then dam building and intensive agricul-
tural experimentation. Finally, after early
attempts at colonization, the foundations of
a rounded program were laid with objec-
tives that are at once social and economic.

The aim is social because designed to
regroup a sparse population; to afford them
better conditions of life by putting into
their hands the means of assuring maxi-
mum results from their labor; to provide
for their education, as it were, from the
ground up; and to encourage their advance-
ment, materially and in things of the spirit.

The aim is economic because a country
which lived on itself (and lived badly),
and which exported nothing, is being trans-
formed into a productive region that will
exchange products with the rest of West
Africa and the world.

Let me say that to these tasks dozens of
engineers, administrators, and agricultural
technicians have devoted themselves. The
magnitude of the work to be done enticed
them, along with the wish to build and
with the fascination of creating something
new. These young pioneers have given a
splendid example of courage, of team spirit,
and faith in their work, often under diffi-
cult conditions especially during the pres-
ent war.

First: Dams and Canals

When discovery and planning gave place
to construction, the earliest stage was the
erection of a diversion dam at Sansanding.
This is at the head of the interior delta of
the Niger and was completed by 1941.
From this dam stem irrigation canals,
with their ramifications, which will bring
water to the immense area that ultimately
will be put into cultivation. Partly metal
and partly masonry, the dam itself is 2,700
feet long and is extended by an earthwork
more than 6,000 feet in length.

The great "mother" canal which leads
out from the dam is 170 feet wide at its

SURVEY GRAPHIC

|6 Sb.Louis
DAKAR,

GAMBIA* 1 ?

WEST
Timbuktu y

AFRICA

G<3O

NIGER
COLONY

-8

MAURITANIA

FRENCH

PORTUGUESE
GUINEA ..>

Conakry
NTIC

OCEAN

TO BE PUT UNDER IRRIGATION

100 '200 300 400 500 MILES

Survey Graphic map by Harold Felber, of The New York Times
The Niger and its territory; with particular reference to the little- known development along the Middle Niger, in French Sudan

bottom (it will be twice that width in
time) and some 12 to 15 feet deep. After
a course of about five miles, this divides
itself into two principal branches one tend-
ing toward the north; the other, toward
the northeast, paralleling the main river.
After about twenty miles, each of these
two canals joins up with an extinct river
bed of the Niger and thereafter these,
in turn, serve as main canals. Thus, by
digging no more than forty-five miles of
artificial waterways, a principal irrigation
network was obtained more than one hun-
dred and fifty miles in length. All these
principal canals are now navigable through-
out the year and are equipped with locks
where necessary.

Next came the digging of irrigation
ditches, land clearing and preparation; the
building of villages, the transport of native
colonists, and their provision with farming
implements, cattle, seed, food to tide over
the first season all involving investment
on the part of the French government in
disclosing the possibilities of a great fron-
tier and rendering it at once productive
and livable.

During the last four years, the members
of the staff of the Niger Office determined
to stick to their last. They were less con-
cerned as to the jeopardy of their own live-
lihoods under wartime conditions than with
the hazard that all their works of hand
and imagination would revert to wilder-
ness. When I recently visited a great plant
which manufactures agricultural imple-
ments in the American Middlewest to see
when we might secure postwar delivery
of great tools I could tell them that our

mechanics had patched up their prewar
output with pieces of hardwood and scrap
metal so thoroughly that they would
scarcely recognize them.

Today, with the counter invasion of the
Allies, and the deliverance of France, the
Niger Office is responsible to the Governor
General of French West Africa at Dakar
and on to the Ministry of Colonies, at
Paris, under the French government.

Next: Settlement

The World War inevitably retarded the
project. Nonetheless, approximately 50,000
acres of land, which a dozen years ago
were covered with jungle growth, unpro-
ductive and uninhabitable, have been com-
pletely cleared, cleaned, irrigated.

These tracts are peopled with nearly
20,000 natives, who produce ten to fifteen
times more crops than they had hitherto
wrung from the soil through uncertain
and archaic husbandry.

They have come from neighboring re-
gions of identical climate. On their arrival,
they have found land free of underbrush
and provided with a complete system of
irrigation. They have found homes in
villages constructed in advance. Each family
therefore starts housekeeping in a dwell-
ing set aside for it; each receives a mini-
mum of agricultural equipment (plows,
harrows, and carts); together with cattle
required to pull the farm vehicles, seeds
necessary for initial planting, and food
adequate to sustain the family until the
first harvest. Each family works for its
own livelihood and gain, with its own
materials, and on its own plot of ground.

Each, as will be developed later, is re-
warded in proportion to the amount of
work they put into the land.

For every unit of 15,000 to 20,000 acres,
the native colonists are grouped in what
are called Associations Agricoles Indigenes
(native agricultural associations). These are
a sort of mutual cooperative, with officers
or head men elected by its members. Each
is endowed with civil rights, and is utilized
by them as agent in their purchases and
sales. Moreover, such an association pos-
sesses tools of production and processing
over and above the requirements of the
individual family trucks, for example,
barges, rice mills, threshers, tractors. The
association concerns itself not only with the
sale of the harvest but with buying spare
parts, equipment, farm animals, which it
sells, in turn, to its members.

The Settlers

Thus, each family works for itself, and
earns in proportion to its work but at the
same time, benefits from the advantages
secured by mutual enterprise on a larger
scale. Thus, the colonists are not isolated
workers; their association is a powerful
means of self-protection and cooperative
action, of education and self-improvement.

The members take an active part in the
workings of these native associations and
are aided in the task by a corps of agents
both French and native who serve as
counselors and teachers. Such advantages are
complemented by medical and veterinary
assistance afforded by the Niger Office, no
less than by schools.

The Africans populating French West

JANUARY 1945

Supply Mission for France
Carding cotton after the fashion of the tribes of French West Africa

French Press and Information Service
Native boatmen of Gao, town situated at the end of the Middle Niger

Africa arc of various types. There is even
one group, whatever its origin, whitish of
skin. There are Maures and Touaregs from
the desert, and other migrant folk. But
for the most part they belong to various
tribes, different in customs and language,
but all of Negro type, generally tall and
strong. They are not without crafts and
arts. Without a written language, they
have intelligence, if not book learning.
They are swift in youth to learn to speak
French and to get the hang of tools; quick
to participate and carry responsibility in
their cooperative associations; eager to
make the most of their new opportunities.
In the immediate neighborhood of the
Niger delta, they fall into three vocations,
each with its own characteristics fisher-
men, herdsmen, farmers. It is from this
third group that we draw our settlers, for

the most part, so that the change is not
from one calling to another (as in the
case of many Palestinian colonists, for ex-
ample) but from one level of work to an-
other of the same sort.

The Villages: Old and New

So difficult is life in the old order, so
exhaustive the primitive cultivation of the
soil, that the native villages we draw from
are often twenty miles apart. In North
Sudan, in particular, these impress you as
beset with poverty. The houses are set
fairly next to each other along narrow
crooked streets. Each village lives on it-
self, and the distance to the next makes
intercourse and trading difficult.

But there is always one open space re-
served at the center of a native village
where special care is taken of a wide

spreading tree, often a cailcedra or a ficus.
Under the shade of its thick leaves, the
villagers are prone to talk over all the
problems and events, important or futile,
which concern them. Men usually predom-
inate in this "forum"; rustic benches sur-
round the tree, and here is the center of
the spiritual life of the community.

In the new settlements in the irrigated
zone, an effort is made to maintain, while
improving so far as light and air and
sanitation go, the traditional native style
of house. Thus, the casement of the outer
door is left unfinished, as that is some-
thing each household likes to contrive foi
itself. All the streets are wide, all straight,
all shaded by trees. Three innovation*
these; but that does not mean that the
ancient center has been overlooked. Rather,
several trees are placed there; a well for
drinking water dug; seats provided for
gossip and high talk.

Fruit trees are planted near the home*
for and by each family; and vegetables are
grown in gardens all around the villages.
Little by little, comforts in the homes im-
prove with the increase in returns from
the crops. Bedsteads and bedding, mos-
quito-nets, chests, pots and pans, and other
handy little articles come into use and
multiply.

The New Fields

Where formerly there were only a few
dwellings crowded together, there are now
real farms. Farming implements (plows,
harrows, carts) can be seen, proudly dis-
played, in a corner of the clean yard. There
are bulls and cows, chickens and ducks. The
fruit trees begin to bear; the family garden
yields vegetables for daily meats; store-
rooms are full of cereals from the fields.

The same metamorphosis goes forward
on the soil. Instead of tiny patches sur-
rounded by the jungle, tilled by hand, there
are wide fields regularly set out

At sunrise in sowing time, the vast plain
becomes alive with plowing teams. The
fertile land is ripped open, the plowshares
shine in the sunlight. A life devoted to
work, but to a work which brings reward,
develops everywhere. And before the day
of traditional festival, everyone competes for
the best clothing which is a sign of the
new prosperity.

The time will come when these vast
acreages will be tilled by tractors. The
tractors will be handled by natives who in
not a few instances have shown aptitudes
for machinery. Today, however, for the
most part they are going through an earlier
revolution summed up in the ox their
first use of great beasts to ease their own
back muscles.

Now Sudan oxen are accustomed to lib-
erty and to wandering in the jungle. It is
not a small or inexpert task to transform
them into draft animals. Their teaching
is a slow process, a matter of weeks before
they can be asked to pull a plow, even at
the hands of native "specialists" charged
with this work.

Then, the farmer himself has to grow
accustomed to use both ox and plow for
the native cultivator tends to be slow to
grasp the advantages of the new methods.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

He, in turn, has to go through a patient
process of education. The native teacher
has many farmers to teach, and very often
as soon as he turns on his heel, an oldster
will pick up his hand hoe and begin again
the hard toil of his ancestors. So it is
necessary for the teacher to come back, to
persuade little by little, and mainly by ex-
ample, that results can be obtained better,
easier, faster, with the "bull's" help. Other
farmers can sometimes make this clearer
than the teacher; the facts soon speak for
themselves; and a little later, the plowman
becomes an example for later colonists.

Meanwhile, when the morning sun
streams over the irrigated land with its
plowing teams at planting time, this is
why you so frequently see bulls led by
young boys, proud of their youthful skill,
conscious of doing their part.

Cooperation

It has been the finest reward for those
of us who have shared in this new type of
pioneering not only to see the fields yield
greater crops, but to sense advances by the*
native farmers in that other field of which
[ have spoken, the administration of their
agricultural associations.

As the natives are of various races, lan-
guages, customs, care is taken that in their
new setting they find themselves, if possi-
ble, among friends, or at least among those
of the same tribe. Their habits are always
respected. Being freed from uncertainty as
to their "daily rice" the year through, they
can give more time to higher things, if
you will; and these, in turn, carry new
conviction as to what may be obtained

French Press and Information Service
The village center, with spreading tree, is retained in the new settlements

Ewing Galloway
This is not a crowd in North Africa, but the market place of Timbuktu, French Sudan

through the modern techniques to which
they have been introduced from seed time
to harvest.

It must be borne in mind that on their
arrival many of them have never handled
much money the small coin of incentive
in our Western world. The war has done
such violence to our French franc in inter-
national exchange that perhaps it has been
just as well that tangible things have play-
ed so large a part in the bargain they
strike with life. In prewar days, there was
a strong preference for small bills, and
plenty of them, in their dealings with their
associations. There was decided preference
for a pile of 5 franc notes as against one
for a thousand francs. You could hold
them in your hands and see that you had
gained much for your labor. Sometimes we
had to clamp down on the practice of cer-
tain shrewd individuals who feathered their
own nests by exchanging an alluring dozen
of small bills for one for a thousand francf
held by a naive neighbor. But money,
like tools, like motive power from the ox
up, yields to expanding experience.

Even more does self-reliance mount in a
cooperative association. Thus, at harvest
time, each native family first puts aside
for their own store the amount of cereali
they will require for nutriment in the year
ahead. The basis is 600 Ibs. per person.
Then, they set aside the amount of seed
necessary for future sowing.

The rest of the crop is sold by the co-
operative to the best advantage of its mem-

JANUARY 1945

BARRAGE SUR LE NIGER A SANSANDING

Sansanding diversion dam, at the head of the interior delta of the Niger: a drawing

bers, and for their benefit. From the net pro-
ceeds are deducted costs covering transpor-
tation and processing (threshing, milling
of rough rice, and so on); and the expenses
of the cooperative itself.

Of the remainder, a share (about one-
third) is turned over to the government in
redeeming outlays involved in installing
and equipping the colonists at the outset
and so paid off on an instalment plan.*

The rest represents the net return in the
case of each family on the basis of its con-
tribution to the crop that has been sold.
And we have repeatedly been struck by
their choices, each year, to employ a share
of it for common tools, like barges or
trucks, for the cooperative in its service to
members.

Rice Bowl of West Africa

Such are the general principles and
simple examples in their application
which today govern the development of a
region which tomorrow will turn the Niger
delta into the granary for this whole part
of Africa.

Glance at the map of this territory and
you will see how readily the three principal
colonies which border the valley Senegal,
French Guinea, and the Ivory Coast can
be reached. In the prewar years, they had
to import rice from faraway Indo-China.
Yet these three colonies can themselves fur-
nish valuable products for cash export
such as peanuts, palm oil, noix de palme,
cocoa and coffee (the demand for which,
from the point of view of the war effort,
has been pressing). The production of
such exports is, however, contingent upon
the degree to which these coastal colonies,
in turn, can receive food supplies adequate
to meet their daily sustenance. The stra-
tegic goal of the Niger River Valley devel-
opment is to satisfy just that.

What remains to be solved is assurance
of equipment in the Valley equipment for
constructing and operating canals, for pre-
paring and cultivating the ground, for
transporting crops safely and swiftly. When

* The land itself is retained by the government, in
order to avoid its re-sale in ways which would
bring great areas into the hands of owners who
would not themselves work it

these factors are accounted for, the age-old
problem of providing West Africa with the
necessities of life will be solved.

Again the role of the Niger itself enters
into the solutions called for. Thus the river
is naturally navigable during six to seven
months of the year and is accessible to
small boats during the entire year. With
water storage reservoirs, a considerable part
of the year-long transportation problem
will be solved. This great stream, more-
over, is destined for other "multiple pur-
pose" benefits, of which irrigation and
transportation are but two aspects.

On its upper valley and those of its trib-
utaries are perfect sites for power and
storage dams. The electricity produced will
find many uses outside of domestic con-
sumption such as the processing of crops
and minerals, especially those natural phos-
phates which are found near the Niger
River Valley. Above all, this power can
be utilized for refrigeration in a region of
tropical heat. As the acreage under irriga-
tion in the Niger Valley expands, not only
will its soil be able to furnish grains, vege-
tables, and raw materials for industry, but
the breeding of cattle, already a prosperous
undertaking, will, thanks to refrigeration,
find easy outlets for its meats.

Looking Ahead

A vast program of land improvement
lies before the French colonizers. The po-
tential resources of this primeval country
are as yet only partially known or grasped.
New activities, still unsuspected, will keep
step with the broadening of community
life. And it is thanks to the Niger, thanks
to this savage African river which will be
tamed, that a vast country yesterday un-
productive, all but unpopulated and deso-
late may find itself tomorrow prosperous,
animated, and happy.

Simultaneously with the discovery and
extraction of natural wealth, the level of
life of the native population will be raised.
Such is the hope and aim of the pioneers
in the colonization of the Niger Valley
above all, to help them make themselves
full men. It is a task worthy of the new
France, the France which, reborn, is re-
building herself.

Perhaps the dream and its accomplish-
ment over the next half century can be
put in an incident which the engineers of
the Niger River Office tell their friends.
It has to do with but one strand in their
skein of work, but that is kindred to the
whole.

They found people living a hundred
miles or so north of the site where they
were to build the impounding dam at the
Niger delta. It was wild country, scotched
by frequent droughts. But these natives
clung to an ancient legend which ran back
beyond the memories of their grandfathers.
It had to do with a large river that had
flowed across the country, making it pros-
perous. Then, so the legend ran, the gods
must have been offended. The river died.
The richness vanished from the soil. The
people had been impoverished since.

That legend was true. The river had
been there; the Niger or one of its branches.
But the natives would not believe it when
told that the white men would or could
bring it back.

When water water from 300 to 600
feet wide came down the old river bed,
the people stood and marveled. No won-
der, when even a few drops can mean so
much in a country like theirs.

Healing Waters for
a Wounded Earth

Watersheds and the promise they hold
as footholds for postwar development: a
special series in collaboration with
Morris Llewellyn Cooke, engineer and
public servant. Articles to date:

"Cinderella the Great" [Survey
Graphic, July 1944} by Morris L. Cooke,
author of "Brazil on the March." The
Amazon's little known sister runs like
the Nile, south to north through Brazil-
ian country as thirsty as Egypt. But the
San Francisco River has latent energy
to throw open a vast hinterland to post-
war settlement and progress.

"The Grand Job of Our Century"
{Survey Graphic, August 1944} by
David E. Lilienthal, chairman, Tennes-
see Valley Authority. Men will always
dispute over economic and political ab-
stractions. Real things can cut through
dogma in an American Development
Program.

"Two Wars and Muscle Shoals" [Sur-
vey Graphic, August 1944} by Katherine
Glover, author of "America Begins
Again." A wartime dud a quarter cen-
tury ago, today the Tennessee Valley
generates 10 billion kilowatt hours a
year; three fourths for war use.

"Big Magic for the Big Muddy" {Sur-
vey Graphic, September 1944} by Rufus
Terral, editorial writer, St. Louis Post-
Dispatch. Missouri Valley, the nation's
second greatest, becomes alive to its
opportunity and in a ferment of con-
flicting ideas seeks a plan.

Articles to come on the Danube and
other river basins, here and abroad.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Agenda for the American People

As considered at a mythical Mountain Conference high above the
smokescreens of propaganda issuing from the tents of the mighty.

SOMETIMES I HAVE A CLEAR PICTURE OF THE
way the Agenda for 1950 could be pre-
sented to the people. I see perhaps a hun-
dred leading Americans, men and women,
meeting in some high, quiet place to pre-
pare it. They are not the kind of people
who are active in Me First groups. They
are scientists, judges, teachers, university
folk, philosophers of business, lovers of
the land, statesmen and they think in
terms of the whole community.

I picture them as people without ide-
ologies or dogmatic principles, aware of
their own shortcomings and the general
inadequacy of mankind, as Wells put it.
They are accustomed to approach a ques-
tion with the scientific attitude, and to look
at all the major characteristics of a situation
before leaping to a conclusion. They are
aware of the pitfalls of language. If there
are not a hundred of them in the country
today, America is in a bad way. We had
more than that in 1787.

They ought, I think, to go up into the
mountains somewhere. Perhaps the navy
would invite them to Sun Valley, whose
beauty and remoteness would give them
perspective. The young veterans recuperat-
ing there would remind them of the ur-
gency of their task. They could look at
the Sawtooth Mountains of Idaho, block-
ing the sky to the north, and remember
the majesty and splendor of their country.

They could hold general meetings in the
big lodge, while sub-committees, working
on detail problems, could meet wherever
they pleased. Sometimes they might meet
on the terrace of the Round House, 8,000
feet high on Mt. Baldy, at the top of the
second tow, where they could look all over
the Snake River Valley. It ought to clear
the brain. The meeting should be held in
summer rather than winter, with wild
flowers, not snow. The delegates would do
better to take their exercise on horseback,
or fishing, rather than risk their tibias on
the canyon run.

The Chairman

I can see the Chairman getting to his
feet in front of the big blue tapestry in the
lodge dining room to open the conference.
He is a social scientist from somewhere
on the Coast. His face is a little drawn,
and he drums on the table with long
fingers. He is no orator, but you can feel
the whip of his mind, releasing something
which seems to have been banking up in-
side him for a long time. I shall not quote
him directly, but paraphrase his address,
as I imagine it.

America, he says, has reached a mile-
stone. We have met here to consider what
we can do to help our country pass it safely.
It cannot be muddled past; deliberate action
must be taken. If thoughtful citizens like

STUART CHASE

"Once Big Business, Big Unions, and
Big Farmers moved in on the scene, the
community had to develop Big Govern-
ment to cope with them." That was the
way Mr. Chase began his article on Big
Government in Survey Graphic for
December; and here is the informal
sequel to that keen analysis.

Both are advance chapters of his book,
"Democracy Under Pressure: Special In-
terests vs. the Public Welfare," which
will come from the press this month.
This book is the fourth in his series of
reconnaissance reports brought out by
the Twentieth Century Fund under the
general title, "When the War Ends."

Polls, stock market forecasts, and
weather bulletins are so many attempts
to blend prophecy with mathematics and
scientific method. Trained as a public
accountant and skilled as a writer, Mr.
Chase's talent for wringing meaning
from economic facts hangs on his gifts
of insight and imagination. And, in turn,
it is his grasp of hard fact that underpins
his essays in prophecy.

ourselves have no practical suggestions, the
action will be taken anyway, by generals
or by demagogues.

The milestone would have been reached
without the war, but perhaps not so ab-
ruptly. There would have been more time
to turn around, but not a great deal more.
There was not much time to turn around
after the banks began to close in 1932.

The milestone, he says, is the point at
which the pressures generated by a high-
energy culture result in disastrous explosion
under a policy of drift. In one sense, this
war itself is such an explosion. Business
depressions have plowed too deep, unem-
ployment and insecurity have become too
great, to be sat through patiently as one
sits through a session with the dentist. The
depression of 1929 was probably the last
of its kind. It hardly touched Russia, which
is an explosive fact in itself. It brought
Hitler in Germany, the end of the gold
standard everywhere, the Spanish Revolu-
tion, the Japanese assault on Manchuria,
New Deals in many nations, and violent
economic changes throughout the world.

As the depression deepened, governments
shook off the rules of laissez faire and step-
ped forward to manage the economy di-
rectly its manpower, its money, its trade.
In the process, many democratic govern-
ments toppled into the arms of dictators.
Democratic legislatures had no plans to
meet the crisis, or if they had, they could
not act fast enough in their strait jackets
of checks and balances.

The Chairman stopped a moment and
leaned forward. . . . These are hard, un-

pleasant words, I know. But democracy is
up against a hard, unpleasant set of facts.
There are no democracies in the pre-1914
sense left in the world today. The war has
forced even those few which still elect their
leaders, far along the authoritarian road.

The Participants

We who are meeting here, the Chairman
went on, represent no economic interest
except that of the consumer, which means
everybody. We are not specifically for
"labor," for "capital," for farmers, for or-
ganized medicine, for Wall Street, the West
Coast, the export trade, the department
stores, or for the manufacturers of Shock-
ing Radiance perfume.

We are not in favor of "capitalism," "so-
cialism," "fascism," "communism," "indi-
vidualism." We have gone through these
vague ideologies and come out on the other
side. We are in favor of keeping our minds
open and the machines running. We want
the community to go on, not to stop dead
in its tracks as in 1929.

We are not prejudiced in favor of private
business, government business, cooperative
business or nonprofit business. We believe
that each has its place, depending on cir-
cumstances. At one extreme stand the
courts, which are certainly a function of
government; at the other stands the afore-
said Shocking Radiance, which is certainly
a function of private enterprise with may-
be just a dash of the Federal Trade Com-
mission in the formula. In between, it all
depends.

We have been called together to attempt
a division of the "in between." A problem
clearly stated is halfway solved. We want
to run a line between the area where the
public should be responsible, and the area
where private interests should be respon-
sible. Together they are responsible for
57,000,000 jobs.

We want to find out which monopolies
can be successfully broken up into com-
petitive units, and which cannot be without
disaster. For the latter we want a program
of control which will prevent restriction of
output and keep the machines running.

We want to determine how far labor
unions should be regulated in the public
interest, and whether the Wagner act needs
amendment. We are sure, I think, that
union accounts, like corporate accounts,
should be a matter of public record.

Everybody's Government

While some of our committees are wrest-
ling with such questions, others must
wrestle with our disintegrating political
machinery. If we had a government of
Jeffersons and Disraelis in Washington,
there is no reason to expect that even they
would get far working through the present

JANUARY 1945

committee system of Congress, and ham-
pered by the present division of fiscal
policy and action into a dozen jealous
bureaus. Because of the seniority rule, at
nearly every outlet to Congress stands an
old, old man, too tired to find out what
the modern world demands. Such creaking
machinery is ideal for the lobbyist.

We must have first-rate men in govern-
ment, and public service made an attractive
career to keen youngsters. We need a more
enlightened civil service, better rules for
tenure, many more schools of public ad-
ministration. We need higher salaries in
the top ranks, like the scale paid in
England.

Our subcommittee dealing with red tape
should examine the record of the Social
Security Board. The board conducts the
largest clerical job on earth, with 76,000,000
Americans on its books. It should be a
paradise for "bureaucrats." Yet in the two
years after Pearl Harbor, it increased its
work load one third, with 20 percent fewer
employes. How was it done?

David Lilienthal has given us an example
of planning at the grass roots. The TVA
works with the people of the Valley. It will
not press projects, however excellent in
theqry, that the people do not want done.
It will not undertake projects for the peo-
ple unless the people take off their coats
and help. I recommend his book to our
lubcommittee on the machinery of govern-
ment. The TVA is something new in the
world. Young men arrive from China,
Brazil, Russia, India, to study it.

We want to offer reasoned suggestions
as to which public activities should be cen-
tralized and handled from Washington, and
which should be decentralized and handled
regionally, like the TVA, or by the states,
or by local governments. We want to know
why we should tolerate 165,000 units of
government at all levels.

Management and Liberty

We want to develop some pretty dear
ideas about the three major forms of gov-
ernment control: regulation, control-with-
out-ownership, and outright ownership.
Which is best for a given activity? In con-
nection with the last, we should look
closely into examples of government cor-
porations. In many cases this form gets
them out. of politics and allows their man-
agers to practice real efficiency.

These are some of the concrete matters
we are going to take up, the Chairman
continued. I see at least two such mana-
gers in this room. They can help us. In
order to make wise recommendations we
must keep in mind some longer-range prin-
ciples. We must remember that it is the
era of abundance we are trying to adjust
to. No nation in the world has yet solved
the problem of distributing abundant pro-
duction, except by war. This war itself has
vastly multiplied our powers of produc-
tion, so that abundance can be a greater
threat than ever. We propose to find out
how to make it a promise.

The wild horses of the power age have
to be harnessed by someone, otherwise they
will kick Western civilization to pieces,
in depressions, revolutions, wars, struggles

for power at every level. The critical ques-
tion is: Who is to do the managing? The
simplest answer is to turn the job over to
a dictator. He calls in some specialists,
exerts his well known powers of divination,
and then tells you and me what to do. If
he is a benevolent despot, we may dislike
his orders less than we dislike tramping
the streets in search of work. If he is
malevolent, like Hitler, many of us would
rather die.

Since 1929, any expectation of free, un-
managed economies is academic. We all
know that in our minds if not in our
emotional nervous systems. Men cannot
return to free, unmanaged economies so
long as inanimate energy and mass pro-
duction dominate human activity.

Furthermore, I do not know how many
of us, when we get right down to it, would
like the London of Adam Smith. We have
to cope with the age that is here. To run
away from it is to become impotent. The
parade back to unlimited free enterprise is
not an inspiring spectacle. It leaves young
people confused and baffled. They want
leaders, not retreaters.

Economic systems must now be managed.
Have people in the democracies the brains
to work out a kind of management which
deals only with a few key functions and
leaves most activities in private hands? The
Swedes and the New Zealanders have done
just this. They are small countries com-
pared to ours, but experiments in a wind
tunnel have often taught us much about
flying in the open sky.

We have come here, I take it, because
we believe our democracy can find the
brains. If anyone in this room does not
believe that a managed economy is com-
patible with political democracy and civil
liberties, some mistake has been made in
the invitations. That is one assumption we
were all supposed to make. We do not
have to assume its eternal truth, but with-
out it as a working hypothesis we can do
little here but toss a dilapidated ball of
argument around the same old dusty circle.
We assume that our democracy can man-
age its affairs, and we have met to prepare
a temporary plan of management.

... At this point I picture two or three
gentlemen getting up quietly and leaving
the room. They are not again seen at any
sessions of the conference. . . .

Brotherhood and the Power Age

Americans the Chairman picks up the
thread of his talk were not brought up to
plan for, or even to think about, their na-
tional survival. That was taken for granted.
Politics they considered a gaudy sporting
event, like a horse race. "Who is going to
win?" was the great question: not what
he would do to, or for, the country. A
Presidential convention was written up by
the newspaper boys in terms similar to a
championship football game in the Rose
Bowl. Brass bands and betting odds were
central on both occasions.

People grabbed for things they wanted,
and when the going was tough, they or-
ganized pressure groups to intensify the
grabbing. These groups have grown so
strong that they have distorted the whole

economy. The idea seemed to be how
much you could take from America, not
what you could give to her.

Our forefathers set up an elaborate plan
in 1787. They gave it a push and let it go.
The expanding frontier carried it on for a
hundred and fifty years. Lincoln had to do
some managing, and so did Woodrow Wil-
son. But the New Deal marked the first
time it was ever necessary to make over-all
plans coordinating banks, farmers, and em-
ployment.

Now we are managed to the rooftree in
total war. Everyone who stops to think
knows we cannot unloosen those war con-
trols without the most careful supervision,
or unemployment will run wild. We can-
not have high national income and full
employment for the long swing withoul
some controls. If the national income falls
much below $130,000,000,000, we cannot
service the debt.

Preachers have long admonished us that
all men are brothers, but they got nowhere
in the era of scarcity when there was not
enough to go around. Brothers sat on
brothers' heads. The power age has given
material foundation to the preachers' case.
For the first time in history there is no
need for brothers to push one another
down. Look at the United States in 1944,
producing twice what it did in 1940!

The economy of abundance makes the
class struggle as old-fashioned as a high-
wheeled bicycle. At the same time, mass
production gears the economy into one
organism, with intense specialization of
work. A hundred years ago sixteen out of
every twenty Americans owned their means
of livelihood. Today, seventeen out of
twenty do not. Seventeen out of twenty are
utterly dependent on the organism. Unless
the economy is operated at substantial
capacity, life becomes meaningless and in-
tolerable for them.

The Choices Before Us

To the Chairman's mind, therefore, full
employment or progressive degeneration is
the choice we have to make, the price we
must pay for the fecundity of the ma-
chine. The enemies of society are not the
rich who spend their money on luxuries,
but those who restrict production and won't
let other people work. These enemies are
found in the monopolies of both business
and labor. The pressure groups are crawl-
ing with them.

Many radical philosophers still think in
the static terms of legal title. They want
to divide property, strip the rich of their
"ill-gotten gains," have the state "take over"
the means of production. But in the mod-
ern world it is the dynamic output, the
flow of goods, which is important. Idle
assets, though the valuation figures reach
to the moon, are worthless to the com-
munity. Hence it does no good for the state
to take over things unless it can move
things. If the state can move things, it is
unnecessary to take them over. The War
Production Board owns nothing whatso-
ever. Just look at what it moves!

The Chairman paused again. . . . My
time is about up. This isn't a speech but
(Continued on page 31)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Public Housing Charts Its Course

As the new Congress meets, the Federal Public Housing Commissioner evaluates
experience under the U. S. Housing Act of 1937 and offers his recommendations.

PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK

ON ALL FRONTS OF THE NATION'S ECONOMY

one senses a desire to preserve the fruits
of inevitable victory in war by insuring
a peacetime economy of abundance. The
housing front is no exception. Advocates
of more and better housing and I am
one of them maintain that given the
proper conditions a housing program,
including public and private operations
each in its appropriate sphere, can be a
major factor to insure full postwar em-
ployment and provide Americans with
homes worthy of our wartime aspirations.

With the possibility of building homes
for civilians whether in war work or not
coming nearer every day, with Congress
likely soon to consider legislation for such
peacetime needs, the time has come' to
evaluate the results and operation of the
prewar housing program which was in-
terrupted by hostilities as far as new build-
ing went. We completed more than 105,-
000 family dwellings in public housing
projects before the war, with an additional
25,000 under prewar contracts suspended
for the time being, and 62,500 built for war
needs which will revert to the low rent
housing program after the war. This ex-
perience should be scrutinized in preparing
for a postwar program.

Though one hears varying figures of the
probable need, on one premise all the au-
thors of these figures are agreed: We arc
going to enter the postwar period with a
gnawing hunger for houses and a pitiful
shortage in our supply. As veterans return,
as families reshuffle, and as temporary war
housing begins to come down, the shortage
will be increasingly felt. To relieve this
pressure, and to help take up the slack of
cutbacks, a speedy mobilization of the con-
struction and housing industry will be need-
ed. All this means a quick scramble at
some point, where everybody will be intent
on getting to work.

Every Ounce of Effort

During the war period a truce was called
on the public-private battlefront, broken
by only a few minor skirmishes. In build-
ing homes for in-migrant war workers, we
have operated under the concept that an
over-all approach to the housing problem
is essential, with private capital doing its
share in its appropriate sphere, and with
publicly financed housing being provided
in the area which could not otherwise be
served. But pent-up feelings are awaiting
the day after the war when the whole sub-
ject of public housing will again be under
consideration.

Postwar housing should not and must
not become a dispute between advocates of
public and private housing. Those in pub-
lic and private housing must shoot at the
target of better housing for America, no.

JANUARY 194.'

A unit of the National Housing
Agency, the Federal Public Housing
Authority has charge of publicly fi-
nanced war housing, low rent housing
and slum clearance, and various other
government-financed housing functions.
Mr. Klutznick, commissioner of the
FPHA since May 1944, has been in the
public housing field for the past eleven
years. For some time he was general
counsel for the Omaha, Neb., Housing
Authority. Since 1941 he has been ac-
tive in the government's defense and
war housing programs first, as a re-
gional representative of the National
Housing Agency, with responsibility in
a dozen states, then as assistant admin-
istrator of the NHA.

at each other. Their energies must not be
expended in civil war when every ounce
of effort must be mustered toward the con-
structive conquest of America's housing
problem.

On the one hand, advocates of a large
public housing program must give assur-
ance that they do not intend to encroach
upon the proper domain of private indus-
try and as a representative of public hous-
ing I am prepared to give private indus-
try that assurance. On the other hand,
private industry must be ready to prove
by works, not by words alone, that it will
cooperate in seeking alternative solutions
to meet housing needs of low income fami-
lies wherever it cannot profitably serve
them.

A No Man's Land

The area in which public housing should
operate must be clearly delineated. I would
suggest adhering to three simple principles
and I am confident that most public
housing advocates will subscribe to them:

1. No new public housing should be
provided where it is possible to fill the need
by utilizing decent existing housing.

2. No public housing should be built
that will compete with private capital in
building for families who can afford pri-
vate housing of adequate standards.

3. In recognition of the determined effort
which we hope private capital will make to
provide standard housing for the lowest
possible income market, the scope of pub-
lic housing need in a locality should leave
a gap of some reasonable percentage, say
15 to 20 percent, between the highest in-
come to be served by public housing and
the lowest income which can be reached
by new private housing. Thus, if new
private housing could not profitably be
provided for families earning less than $100
a month, then the highest income that
public housing would admit in that locality

would be something less than $80 a month.

This would leave a "no man's land"
with housing wants unfilled, offering pri-
vate capital a challenge to devise ways
to meet them. To do this job, private
capital will have to tap its fullest re-
sources and tax its ingenuity to move
downward in the housing income scale.
To produce more value at lower cost will
not be easy. It will call for the active col-
laboration of builder, investor, and worker
in the housing industry. It will require
the sympathetic assistance of government
to private building. But private capital
will also have to make something of an
about-face. It can no longer refuse to
venture into new fields, nor can it retreat
to the false security of a higher-priced field.
No longer can a smug attitude be tolerated
that it will be time enough after the
cream of higher cost housing has been
skimmed off, for private industry to turn
attention to other needs.

I hope that I will not be misunderstood
if I express a friendly warning. People
will not wait forever. They have been pa-
tient about their housing needs. They are
beginning to tire of talk and demand ac-
tion. There is real danger that, if private
capital and industry do not fill this void
in the no-man's land of housing need, the
government will be forced, by pressure of
need and popular demand, to use its powers
to provide. This is not a threat. It is a
realistic estimate of a situation which pri-
vate capital must recognize.

It is my hope that the field of public
housing will never have to be expanded
vertically into the next higher income
group but that, in fact, it will be forced
progressively lower as good, low cost pri-
vate housing is provided for lower income
groups. This is not just wishful thinking.
Already, the simple guides I have outlined
for establishing the upper boundary of
public housing make up the formula adopt-
ed by the Federal Public Housing Author-
ity. In preparing applications to be used
by communities in determining needs for
postwar public housing, FPHA requires
that this margin of safety in family in-
comes of 15 to 20 percent should be used
in computing the local public housing mar-
ket.

Public Housing's Task

Even with much more of the housing
field thus fenced off for private capital
than it now is able to serve, the task left
for public housing is still so huge and ur-
gent that to .attempt to expand it further
would not be wise. The need for decent
housing by families whose incomes can-
not support good private housing at a
profit under any circumstances at present
conceivable is still appallingly large. Here

let me point out that an analysis of the
1940 housing census indicates that nearly
30 percent of the urban dwelling units are
in need of major repairs or are deficient
in necessary facilities.

How many new dwellings will be need-
ed after the war? The National Hous-
ing Agency estimates that 12,600,000 ad-
ditional homes will be required in the
next ten years to achieve any substantial
reduction of existing substandard housing
and to provide the additional accommoda-
tions necessary when soldiers return and
families unscramble. This means an aver-
age of a million and a quarter homes a
year, 36 percent of which fall in rental
brackets of less than $30 a month and 22
percent in rental brackets under $20 a
month. Even with wide allowances for
error, obviously the area of need for pub-
lic housing is a tremendous one, since
private housing of adequate standards to
rent much below $35 a month has never
been produced in substantial quantities.

Today, families who cannot afford the
rents necessary for good private housing
must live in slums, or else decent homes
subsidized with public funds must be built
for them. What will our decision be?
To try to provide decent homes or to
continue with our slums and their mounting
cost in crime, disease, fire, juvenile de-
linquency, and destructive community at-
titudes that result?

Our short term experience in the attempt
to provide low rent housing for this large
group of Americans under the U. S. Hous-
ing Act has developed a workable and de-
sirable pattern. The act permits federal
loans to local housing authorities up to 90
percent of the capital cost of housing
projects, in addition to annual subsidies
in order to achieve low enough rents.

However, experience has also shown that
the formula should be improved and made
more efficient.

Redeveloping Our Cities

Besides recommending certain improve-
ments which I shall later outline, it is
my opinion that not only public housing
objectives, but the larger over-all housing
job would be easier to accomplish if the
nation were committed to an "urban re-
development" program. In its broadest
implications, such a program opens the way
to the wholesale reclamation of misused
and abused sections of our great cities on
an over-all plan which would involve
proper development of business sections
as well as residential, and provide for the
destruction of decayed structures as well as
the rehabilitation of sound ones. The pro-
gram should include a recognition of the
responsibility to make provision elsewhere
for the persons displaced from the sites
redeveloped, and emphasize the need to
enrich cities and preserve their future
rather than to enrich individual owners of
reclaimable property.

This is a subject for independent dis-
cussion. Redevelopment of our cities em-
braces goals and therefore difficulties which
are more complex than those that have usu-
ally confronted us. The assembly of land
into areas of sufficient size and character
to permit sound and substantial re-growth;
the acquisition of land at costs low enough
to allow for its proper re-use; the methods
of absorbing the write-off of land values
necessary for their recapture and proper
redevelopment; the problem of controlling
density both in redeveloped areas and in
areas of resettlement of displaced families
these begin to picture the difficulties that
must be met by coordinated and rull use

of community and governmental talents and
resources.

But such a program would not be im-
possible of achievement, for there are a
number of cities where local housing au-
thorities already have the power needed
to acquire land, and dispose of it to private
individuals as well as to public agencies.
The formula of annual federal contribu-
tions to local authorities borne under the
aegis of the U. S. Housing Act, could
likewise serve as a means of absorbing the
mark-down between acquisition cost of
land and its true value.

Furthermore, the proven acceptability in
the financial market at low interest rates of
the securities of the local authority could
provide a pattern for an urban redevelop-
ment program and thus eliminate the time-
consuming and uncertain task of creating
the body of legal opinion and market
backgrounds without which the securities
of an agency might have questionable sale
value. Finally, with the many huge pub-
lic housing projects that have been built,
experience in reasonably large scale rede-
velopment has already been gained under
the U. S. Housing Act.

This is a matter deserving thorough
study and consideration by every commun-
ity. At the same time, forgotten or ne-
glected aspects of the public housing pro-
gram and the constructive improvements
necessary to make it more serviceable in
the postwar era must receive attention.

What About Rehabilitation?

In the last few years a great deal of
controversy has centered around the pos-
sibilities of rehabilitating old housing. But
no one really has made a studied effort
to find out what can be done to preserve
the value and livability of our current

Federal Public Housing Authority
Blossoming backyards, result of a garden contest held by families living in a publicly financed housing project in San Francisco

BEFORE: Crowded, haphazard mass of dreary slum dwellings in a downtown section of Louisville

Federal Public Housing Authority
AFTER: Sturdy row houses and flats, planned with ample space for light, air, and recreation

housing inventory instead of letting it decay
into slums. As a result of this omission,
our ideas as to the practicability of such
a program range all the way from assump-
tions that rehabilitation holds the key to
the whole housing problem to categorical
statements that rehabilitation is rarely feas-
ible.

While I do not feel that the rebuild-
ing or renovating of old structures can pro-
duce a large volume of housing particu-
larly if carried on in line with the basic
concept that remodeling, repair or recon-

As a complement to new construction,
the rehabilitation of old structures in a post-
war public housing program should be
based on certain principles:

1. The objective should be the use of
existing buildings for low rent housing
under certain circumstances instead of new
construction.

2. Loans and annual contributions
should be available to public housing
agencies for this purpose when it involves
the remodeling, repair or reconstruction of
existing buildings located in neighborhoods

Federal 1'ublic Housing Authority
Same family, same rent, same town; but what a contrast between their former slum home

struction should be done only where it will
prevent or arrest the spread of blight in a
neighborhood I am confident that we can
capitalize on some part of our existing
housing asset if we substitute genuine ef-
fort for guess work in an effort to rehabili-
tate housing not too far gone.

Let me emphasize my conviction, how-
ever, that it would be tragic if such a tool
were used to perpetuate the life of build-
ings structurally inadequate or located
within neighborhoods which have gone
down-grade so far that their recoupment
would be contrary to the public interest

The U. S. Housing Act of 1937 doffed
its hat, in passing, at rehabilitation of ex-
isting housing. Under that act, an effort
was made to make possible rehabilitation
of reasonably good housing. It failed be-
cause the formula did not provide adequate
subsidy which, when added to the antici-
pated income from the rehabilitated prop-
erty, would be sufficient to take care of
maintenance, operation, and replacements,
in addition to amortizing the debt during
the anticipated life of the rehabilitated
property. To make the maximum use of
such existing houses for families of low
income, additional congressional authority
will be necessary.

where the spread of blight can be prevented
or arrested by this means.

3. Instead of a 60 year period during
which annual contributions would be pay-
able, the period should not exceed 30 years.
This more closely reflects the expectancy
of rehabilitated existing housing.

4. In order to recognize the realities
of this situation, the permissible annual
federal contribution should be 4'/2 percent
of development cost for rehabilitation as
against a maximum of 3'/2 percent for new
construction.

5. Within the limits of the economic
expenditure of subsidy, public housing
agencies should have the option of pur-
chasing or leasing the existing buildings.

One might ask, why spend an additional
one percent in subsidy in order to rehabili-
tate rather than to build new? The an-
swer is simple: If by a relatively small in-
crease in expenditure we not only add to
the supply of decent and sanitary housing
for families of low income but, at the same
time, arrest or prevent the blight of en-
tire neighborhoods, that additional annual
cost becomes justified.

The Rural Slum

Another neglected area that should be
considered as a major aspect of the post-
war housing program is that of rural hous-
ing. When our public housing program
was initiated, the concentrated, dramatic
slums of our cities invited the almost ex-
clusive concern of public housing. It is
amazing how little attention has been given
to rural slums, one of the greatest housing
ills in our nation.

The U. S. Housing Act contemplated
the beginning of an attack on this prob-
lem, and an industrious effort was made
to use an urban formula to produce rural
housing. Some 500 rural units were con-
(Continued on page 29)

and the trim housing project which they share with 317 other families in Macon, Ga.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Labor Problem with a Future

More than the rival claims of CIO and AFL will be decided when 60,000 Western Union
employes vote this month in the NLRB election that climaxes a year-long controversy.

DIANA LEWARS

BETWEEN JANUARY 2 AND 10, THE NATIONAL
Labor Relations Board will direct a collective
bargaining poll to decide whether 60,000
employes of the nation's newest monopoly
prefer to be represented by the American
Federation of Labor, the Congress of In-
dustrial Organizations or by neither.

The employer in the case is Western
Union Telegraph Company, which recently
completed its merger with Postal Telegraph
under the Federal Communications Com-
mission's direction. NLRB, which at this
writing is preparing to get ballots to some
19,000 telegraph offices from coast to coast,
has said that the imminent election is the
most complex and involved it has ever been
called on to conduct. Observers of the labor
scene add that it is probably one of the most
important that the headline-making labor
board ever has had to referee.

The Clash Between the Unions

The "dispute over representation" legal
euphemism for the most determined AFI^
CIO fight to date began a little over a
year ago when Postal Telegraph's oper-
ations were absorbed into Western Union.
FCC kept an alert eye on the proceedings
as guardian of the public interest. With few
exceptions, the multiplicity of problems
legal, social, and economic raised by the
merger have been settled without anyone
claiming to have been fouled. But the major
exception, the one big problem which re-
mains, promises a plague of labor trouble
for postwar America.

One question presented to the govern-
ment by the merger was, which union
should represent the merged employes.
AFL's Commercial Telegraphers Union
held contracts with Western Union; CIO's
American Communications Association was
the recognized bargaining agency in Postal
Telegraph. The NLRB ordered hearings in
New York under a trial examiner and
eventually the board invited the rival unions
to come to Washington to put their case.

During these hearings, protracted over
many months, both unions attained a fierce
degree of antagonism. As the NLRB poll
nears, AFL and CIO, in open hostility, are
competing for the votes of telegraph work-
ers from coast to coast.

This competition brings the two rival
labor groups into a head-on national clash
for the first time since the historic split in
1936, when John L. Lewis led the exodus
from the American Federation of Labor
and set up the CIO. At this point, each
organization is engaging in an all-out battle
to retain its stake in the telegraph industry.

As a preview of an emerging postwar
pattern, the labor conflict at Western Union
has exceptional significance.

American unionism is entering a new
stage. With over 15,000,000 wage earners

Diana Lewars, a Swarthmore graduate,
is a partner in the New York firm of
Martin Dodge and Company, specializ-
ing in labor public relations. She is
associate editor of D-M Digest, a fort-
nightly review of the American labor
press subscribed for by employers,
unions, public officials and libraries.

in this country carrying union cards, the
major problem in labor organization is no
longer one of converting non-union workers.
The big job is going to be holding members
holding them particularly against the
raiding operations of rival unions.

What Lies Ahead

This is not to say that all industries
are fully organized, or that all steel or meat-
packing firms, for example, are 100 percent
unionized. The white collar field has hardly
been scratched; and as foreman unionism
continues to expand, supervisory employes
can be counted on to fill out labor's ranks.
But, by and large, the frontier days are
over, the era of building fences is coming in.

What lies just ahead are battles to shift
the division of union power, influence, and
membership strength. For the most part,
these battles will see AFL and CIO affiliates
pitted against one another, with independent
organizations like John Lewis' miners and
Matthew Smith's Mechanics Educational
Society joining the contest, fending off raids
and raiding in turn whenever there is an
opening.

Fighting it out among themselves, labor
organizations will more and more tend to
make inter-union competition a primary
concern, to some extent relegating union-
employer issues to the sidelines. But at the
same time, unions are fearful that employers
will take advantage of any schism in labor's
ranks to put through a program of union-
busting. Anticipating that some employers
may take V-Day as a signal to start settling
old scores, fearing that a concerted employer
effort will develop to restore open-shop
conditions over a wide segment of Amer-
ican industry, labor feels a critical need for
solidarity. All labor factions are agreed on
one thing: the necessity for labor unity.
Union spokesmen, preparing for the post-
war era, have sent out the Number One
order of the day "Close Ranks."

Hence, paradoxically enough, a drive to
consolidate labor's forces will parallel the
development of jurisdictional conflict among
union organizations. As long as unions seek
to increase their power and strength at the
expense of other unions, the nation will see
a turbulent period of competitive" agitation
straining the industrial structure. Labor
unity will thus tend to be sacrificed to the

union vs. union struggle for power.

As a prototype of the struggle, the West-
ern Union case now before the country pro-
vides a full scale model of this far-reaching
development in the labor movement.

The Pattern of the Conflict

When the Western Union-Postal Tele-
graph merger closed down union frontiers
in the telegraph industry, the two laboi
groups brought into conflict were the
American Communications Association
(ACA-CIO) and the Commercial Teleg-
raphers Union (CTU-AFL). The number
of dues-paying members in these unions
was very close in 1943, with ACA-CIO
standing at 18,353, and CTU-AFL at 20,-
000, according to Florence Peterson of the
U. S. Department of Labor. Today, in
Western Union, AFL is believed to repre-
sent a coast-to-coast majority of the work-
ers; while ACA-CIO has an unchallenged
majority in Western Union offices in New
York City, Detroit, Duluth, and Salt Lake
City, and claims to represent most W. U.
telegraphers in the company's Eastern,
Great Lakes, and Pacific districts.

Because of this uneven geographical dis-
tribution of strength, the National Labor
Relations Board has been in an extremely
difficult position. AFL petitioned the gov-
ernment for one general election for all
employes. CIO asked for an election by
units and proposed that the system be
divided for this purpose into over one
hundred separate voting districts.

Arguing from the fact that the communi-
cations industry "must and does function
as a single and very closely integrated oper-
ating union" dnd that working condition!
were "greatly similar throughout the sys-
tem," the AFL claimed it was appropriate
to have only one national voting unit and
one national union.

On the other hand, the CIO union,
representing ex-Postal employes and not
having yet extended and consolidated its
strength throughout the whole industry, al
first opposed any election as "untimely"
until after the war. When NLRB threw out
the postponement plan, CIO then proposed
the multiple election units, suggesting that
all cities voting for the same union should
group together after the poll, thus forming
two national bargaining agencies, CIO and
AFL.

The place of the company in this dispute
was on the side of the AFL. Western Union
also requested a single voting unit, on the
grounds that two bargaining agents would
promote union rivalry among employes and
"chaos" in labor relations. (From the point
of view of industrial efficiency, Western
Union would prefer to negotiate only one
contract covering all its employes.)

The government, however, ended up with

JANUARY 1945

a compromise. NLRB ordered seven voting
units, six on a regional basis consisting of
the geographical districts of the Western
Union company; and the seventh, Western
Union's home office in New York City.
Samuel H. Jaffee, NLRB examiner, pro-
posed this arrangement because "the time
since merger is too recent, conditions are
too unsettled and abnormal, to declare now
as most appropriate a unit which by its
nature tends to finality." The government's
ruling acknowledging that the dispute
will outlive the election successfully avoids
playing union favorites, but is actually pleas-
ing to none of the interested parties. Since
neither union is strong enough to win all
seven districts, the immediate result of the
election will be to formalize rival unionism
in the industry.

Because of the key position of the com-
munications industry, the vast geographical
area covered by Western Union, and the
power and prestige which will accrue to the
union that shows greatest strength, both
CIO and AFL consider this election crucial.
Each organization is turning to and throw-
ing its machinery into high gear on behalf
of its contending affiliate.

The Strategy and Weapons

Philip Murray, CIO president, has called
Western Union "the No. 1 CIO organizing
job this year," and a special Murray message
which local CIO officials are directed to post
on shop bulletin boards in plants all over
the country states that "every affiliate of the
CIO has a stake in this election."

According to Lawrence Kammet, pub-
licity director of the American Communica-
tions Association and editor of ACA News,
national CIO has contributed "over $50,000"
to the campaign coffers, and a partial listing
of contributions from CIO affiliates includes
$10,000 from the Automobile Workers;
$5,000 apiece from the Steelworkers, Elec-
trical Workers, and National Maritime
Union; $2,500 from the Fur and Leather
Workers, and substantial sums from the
Rubber Workers, Marine Shipyards Work-
ers, Office Workers, and Amalgamated
Clothing Workers. In addition to 100 full
time, paid ACA organizers in the field,
practically all CIO affiliates have loaned or-
ganizers of their own.

William Green, AFL president, has also
requested cooperation from all Federation
affiliates in backing CTU, but the AFL is
not geared to the brisk, coordinated applica-
tion of pressure on a nationwide scale which
CIO developed to an efficient level in its
Political Action Committee work.

Like ACA-CIO, the Federation has close
to a hundred professional organizers in the
Western Union drive, but they work their
beats on a regional basis without the direct
wire to headquarters which characterizes
CIO operations. The AFL union, however,
claims to use organizers who know their
way around the telegraph industry and can
talk to employes in their own language.
"This," says an AFL spokesman, "is in
contrast to the non-telegraph professional
soap-box orators utilized by the CIO whose
silly-tongued smoothness weaves their webs
of communistic theory, but who fail to de-
ceive intelligent workers."

The Campaign Arguments

Analyzing the campaign oratory from
each of the competing unions reveals basic
patterns which will show up again and
again during jurisdictional friction in the
years just ahead. The sales talk will pick up
fresh news angles as history goes on, but
the underlying propaganda techniques are
already molded and set. For example, chief
selling point of the American Communica-
tions Association is CIO's general, "win-
the-war, no-strikes, jobs-for-all" program;
while AFL's platform emphasizes the
strength-through-unity theme: "A national
union and ... a national contract." Thus,
for some time to come, the CIO will play
itself up as the party of progress and action,
and the AFL will fight its opponent as the
divisive factor in the labor movement.

Following a long established procedure
which it will carry on into its postwar
battles, the AFL is trying to make com-
munism a major issue in the Western
Union election. Publicizing the record of
ACA officials, alleged to be part of the red
bloc in the labor movement, is the chief
offensive weapon employed in AFL propa-
ganda. (Communists are ineligible for
membership in the Commercial Teleg-
raphers' Union under the CTU-AFL inter-
national constitution.) The AFL is making
determined efforts to get into the hands
of every Western Union employe a copy
of the Dies committee report on Joseph
Selly, ACA-CIO president. ACA's rebuttal
follows standard pattern it does not deny
charges of communism, but counters "red-
baiting." Selly says he is "flattered" by the
Dies report appraising him as "potentially
one of the most dangerous individuals in
the country."

CIO's attack on its rival centers, to a
large extent, on a charge of company union-
ism. (To which AFL retorts, "The ACA-
CIO continues to underestimate the intelli-
gence of Western Union employes.") Any
possible indications that AFL might be
teacher's pet are fully exploited in CIO
propaganda. But the nub of CIO's "com-
pany union" charge has to do with two of
the AFL's "federal" unions in the telegraph
area, representing between them about ten
thousand W. U. employes in the Southern
and Gulf districts of Western Union. These
AFL affiliates, Telegraph Employes Union
and Telegraph Workers Federal Labor-
Union, replaced the company union which
was outlawed by the NLRB in 1940.

The history of this intra-AFL relation-
ship is one of bitter jurisdictional warfare
between the Commercial Telegraphers
Union and these other AFL units, in the
course of which "company union" was not
an unusual epithet. Now, the AFL is hav-
ing difficulty living down its past, and ACA
campaign literature is not making it easier.

Against the common CIO enemy, the
AFL affiliates in Western Union have
banded together and will appear on the
NLRB election ballot simply as "AFL."
According to J. J. Lenahan, executive board
member, CTU-AFL, not only are past
quarrels k made up and past epithets re-
tracted, but even closer relations among
the AFL groups are expected after the elec-
tion. If AFL should win an overwhelming

majority in Western Union, AFL President
Green might conceivably use the situation
to draw the local groups into the Com-
merciaj Telegraphers' fold.

Meanwhile, ACA's newest angle is the
traditional "smear" technique with a fresh
coat of paint. It draws a parallel between
the AFL election campaign and "the Hit-
ler-like Dewey campaign of confusion, Iks,
bigotry, and red-baiting" with the Western
Union campaign being waged by "AFL
misleaders."

"Misleaders" is a favorite ACA epithet.
In order to avoid charges of dual unionism
and splitting the labor movement, CIO is
being careful to refrain from direct attacks
on the AFL itself. The CIO line: The
American Federation of Labor is an ancient
and respectable house of labor, but it has
fallen to corrupt, tyrannical leadership.

The New Line-up

In the course of this vast electioneering
project, both CIO and AFL hinge an appeal
for telegraphers' votes on the wage issue
traditionally basic to union organizing cam-
paigns. ACA-CIO's literature stresses wage
demands. The AFL line minimizes CIO-
won pay boosts as "crumbs," and promises
instead to get "MILLIONS OF DOLLARS in
wage increases ... in its nationwide con-
tract negotiations." But the line-up on the
wage controversy is not that of workers vs.
the boss. Wage claims are advanced as bait
for augmenting membership.

At bottom, no new union strategy has
developed during the Western Union con-
flict to forecast novelty in future inter-union
hostilities. The contestants have merely
adapted standard organizing techniques to
the new struggle. Only one of the regular
trappings of a union organizing campaign
is largely ignored: boss-baiting. Because this
new labor struggle is between unions, the
embattled organizations attack each other
instead of concentrating their fire on the
employer. A few years ago, any president
of Western Union might have taken his
place in labor literature along with Weir,
Girdler, and Ford; significantly, the present
president, A. N. Williams, is not even
mentioned in the current union war.

Thus, in the postwar clashes, documented
in advance by the Western Union case,
the weapons will be familiar but the battle-
ground will be shifting. As to the outcome
the present case study leaves that up in
the air.

The National Labor Relations Board
election at Western Union will not per-
manently solve the conflict or end the com-
petition. The AFL predicts it will win six
out of the seven election districts. ACA-
CIO claims it will win four out of seven.
But whether CIO or AFL comes out on top,
both unions will continue their organizing.
The winner will attempt consolidation; the
loser will fight for a new majority. Raiding
the new boundary lines will continue until,
at the first opportunity, another election is
demanded by one or the other union as it
seeks to capitalize on a shifting employe
loyalty. To this writer, the cycle of jurisdic-
tional conflict holds no promise of orderly
progress for labor, or for America.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

They Harvest New York's Crops

How the richest state in the Union handles its indispensable
crop-followers: a picture of the little-known Joads of the East.

KATHRYN CLOSE

IN THE EARLY SUMMER OF 1944, THERE WAS

a truck accident near Binghamton, N. Y.,
in which two children and an adult were
killed, and thirty-four others were seriously
injured. The truck had been crowded with
thirty-seven women and children on their
way from Scranton, Pa., to a farm labor
camp in New York State. Since it had no
tailboard, there was nothing to prevent its
occupants from being thrown out and
strewn along the roadway.

Like other tragedies in the past, that acci-
dent may turn out to be a motivating force
in producing some long needed social re-
forms. By throwing a dramatic light on the
dangerously crowded conditions to which
migrant "pickers" are subject on the long
hauls to the crops, it helped call public
attention to the fact that crop-following
families exist in the East as well as in the
West, and that their problems have not all
been solved by war prosperity.

The fact that every summer thousands
of persons are brought into New York, New
Jersey, and other northeastern states to pick
fruits and vegetables has been overshadowed
by the great industrial activities of these
states. Few people realize, for instance, that
there are within the state of New York
some 150,000 farms, with a total of about
17,000,000 acres under cultivation; nor that
this state ranks high in the production of
beans, peas, tomatoes, corn, celery, onions,
cabbage, cucumbers, lettuce, spinach, carrots,
potatoes, beets, cherries, strawberries, apples,
peaches, prunes, raspberries, and grapes; nor
that, of the 120,000 persons required to
harvest this abundance, from 10,000 to 20,-
000 are usually imported from outside the
state.

Guests at Harvest Time

Ever since the U. S. Senate's Committee
to Investigate Interstate Migration (the
Tolan committee) held a section of its hear-
ings in New York four years ago, an uneasy
awareness has been growing that all is not
as it should be among these indispensable
summer guests. Last year, the New York
Consumers League, spurred on by the Bing-
hamton accident and other ugly reports,
determined to find out more about condi-
tions among them and sent an investigator
into twenty-two farm labor camps in nine
New York farm counties.

What the investigator found stands out
as a dark smudge on a record of a state
noted for its social enlightenment. This was
a picture of hundreds of migrant families
living as pariahs, shunned by the resident
population, frequently cheated, and rele-
gated to living arrangements so substandard
as to compare unfavorably with the worst
city slums.

Some of the families who work in New
York fields in the summer are year-round

An associate editor who concentrates
mainly on Survey Midmonthly, Kathryn
Close occasionally writes for Survey
Graphic as well. Off hours she has just
woven together into a telling pamphlet,
shortly to be published by the New
York Consumers League, the results of
its investigation of conditions among
New York's migrant families. Here we
are privileged to give an advance di-
gest of the league's study.

crop followers who come from as far away
as Florida. Many are Negroes without home
or settlement, whose winter existence as
pickers on Florida farms is probably no
better than their summer life in the North.

Others come from crowded industrial
areas within the state or from nearby Penn-
sylvania, and are pickers only in the sum-
mer. Among them are many women of
foreign origin Italians, Syrians, Poles
who go to the farms without their hus-
bands, but with their children, to pick and
earn a few extra dollars.

All are recruited by agents of the farm-
ers who usually send out trucks to get them,
or by contractors (padrones), who make
their living furnishing harvesters to farmers.
Glowing pictures of the camps and the
wages to be earned with little relation to
reality are often painted at the point of
recruitment. When families arrive at a camp
hundreds of miles from home and find a
different picture, they have little choice but
to accept it as it is.

These families have none of the protec-
tions afforded industrial workers in New
York State. Since they do not come under
the State Workmen's Compensation Act,
they receive no compensation for injury un-
less voluntarily insured by the farmer.
Neither the state's minimum wage law nor
the federal wages and hours law includes
them. They have no unions to protect them
on wage promises or working conditions.

Sixty hours composes the usual work
week for migrant pickers in New York
State ten hours a day for six days a week,
for men, women and some children. Last
summer there was at least one camp where
women and children were forced to work
ten hours a day for seven days a week.

What They Earn

Wages among farm laborers normally
are scandalously low and work is irregular.
Because farmers cannot always predict when
the crops will be ready for picking, workers
often arrive at a farm too soon, and so have
to spend many days or even weeks in idle-
ness. Even last summer, in the midst of the
farm labor shortage, eighty migrant work-
ers at one cannery-owned farm were idle
for four weeks.

On the whole, however, last summer good
crops and the wartime manpower shortage
brought wages and seasonal earnings that
were far above those of other years. The
50 cents a bushel then being paid for peas
and beans would have been unheard of
two or three years ago. But the standard
weight of a bushel varied from thirty to
thirty-four pounds. Where the heavier
weight was demanded there was much
grumbling, and some workers packed up
and left before the crops were all in.

At the lighter weight, an adult picking
average size beans at a normal speed gath-
ers about fifteen to seventeen bushels in ten
hours. Other crops, such as carrots, corn,
cabbage, and celery, last summer paid
around 50 cents an hour for women and
65 cents for men, as compared to 35 cents
and 40 cents in 1942, and 10 and 12 cents
in 1937.

The average total earnings of these mi-
grant families for the six to eight weeks
they are in the state is an elusive figure.
No records are kept, much depends on the
condition of the crops and the weather, and
an important factor is the size of the family.
Frequently, the contractor or farmer makes
deductions in pay for transportation to the
camp and home, for daily transportation to
and from the fields, and sometimes even
for rent. In six weeks, last summer, some
families cleared as little as $75; others made
over $300.

Their Parents' Helpers

Children over six are usually "pickers"
as well as their parents and spend the same
long hours in the fields rarely less than
ten a day, not infrequently twelve, and oc-
casionally thirteen or fourteen. Sometimes
even those who are hardly out of the baby
stage will go along to the fields, as did one
four-year-old who proudly told the league's
investigator of the bushel and a half of
beans he had "picked for mama."

The youngsters, of course, are not listed
on the farmer's payroll. They are their
parents' helpers, a fact which hardly eases
the strain for them. Many parents constantly
nag their children on to greater production.
But "picking won't hurt them when they
are with their parents," say the farm
operators.

Poem and story often praise the construc-
tive value of the varied chores a country
boy does on his father's farm. But the child
pickers on New York's large industrialized
farms learn no useful skills in their long
backbreaking days of monotonous work.
They are subject to all the disadvantages
of children in industry, to none of the ad-
vantages of the farmer's child.

At one New York farm last summer, the
league's investigator found sixty school age
children working in the fields on a weekday

JANUARY 1945

long after the school term had begun. Such
interference with normal school attendance
is one of the worst aspects of migrancy
among children, but it cannot be blamed
entirely upon the parents' eagerness to make
money. A child will prefer the fields to a
school where he is snubbed as "one of those
pickers." Few communities seem to enforce
school attendance laws as far as migrant
children are concerned.

A ten-hour work day for a migrant farm
worker means ten hours of continuous
work, with the exception of a short time
off for lunch. Rest periods are unknown.
Sanitary facilities in the fields are complete-
ly lacking. Drinking arrangements consist
of a bucket of water with a common dipper.
At the end of the day, the workers ride the
ten or even twenty miles back to their
camp as they came to the fields in the morn-
ing in trucks which are sometimes so
crowded with standing persons that no one
could possibly sit down.

The "Home Away from Home"

The most shocking conditions endured by
families who come to New York State to
pick, however, are in their living quarters
rather than in the fields. Among the farm

labor camps owned and operated by the
padrones or the farmers are some so bad
"that it would seem that the only step to-
ward improvement could be to set a match
to them. Others, less hopeless, still fall far
short of being fit for human habitation;
some would be all right if they were not
overcrowded.

To accommodate anywhere from six or
seven to 400 persons, the camps commonly
offer two types of construction: long rows
of attached one-room cabins, built especially
to house the harvesters; and farm buildings,
such as barns, silos, warehouses or aban-
doned dwellings, converted to this purpose.
The best are the cabins, for each at least
has a window for ventilation, and complete
walls which afford some measure of family
privacy.

Not so much can be said for the barns
and other converted buildings. Though
these often "accommodate" from thirty to
sixty persons of both sexes and all ages,
some of them have no partitions in the
sleeping quarters. Others are divided, by
partitions extending part way to the ceiling,
into stable-like stalls opening on a common
corridor. Two windows at opposite ends of
the long corridor are often the only ones in

Photos courtesy Koclieatcr LJtnwcrat and Chronicle
Crowded sleeping quarters, with little ventilation, in a New York farm camp

trie building. At least one camp has actually
put old horse stalls into use as compart-
ments for human beings. In one partition-
less barn last summer a few of the families
had made a pathetic attempt at privacy by
stringing wires around their bunks and
throwing coats over them to serve as screens.
Overcrowding is the rule in all types of
accommodations. When, as occasionally
happens, a family of four has only one
double bed at its disposal, the members
sleep crosswise so they will not roll off. Each
cabin unit is generally inhabited by an entire
family four to five occupants being not un-
common, and nine not unknown.

The migrant women usually do the
family cooking within these crowded,
screenless sleeping quarters, on oil stoves
which they have brought with them. Most
of the camps, however, provide some cook-
ing facilities, euphemistically called "kitch-
ens." Often these are no more than wood-
burning ranges placed out in the open or
in lean-tos next to the barracks or barn.
When the investigator for the Consumers
League arrived at a camp at dinner time
one evening last summer, she found it look-
ing like a "gypsy encampment," with fires
blazing every few feet. Many women were
cooking on sheets of tin held over a wood
fire by two small piles of bricks. Water for
drinking, cooking, washing, and bathing
in this camp of 250 persons was provided
by two outdoor cold water faucets. Some
camps of similar size have only one faucet.

Naturally, most of the camps are dirty,
for extreme overcrowding, little or no camp
supervision, insufficient equipment, inade-
quate screening, and poor ventilation pro-
vide little incentive to cleanliness. Garbage
and papers are strewn about the grounds
and in the hallways. In the sleeping quar-
ters, the bedding sometimes no more than
a cloth thrown over a bundle of straw is
filthy. Flies and other insects are abundant,
both inside and out. At one camp last sum-
mer, a tenant maintained that the moldy
orange peels and melon rinds lying about
the place had been there when she arrived
on the day the camp opened and were evi-
dently left from the year before.

To make matters worse, in many of the
camps unsanitary privies, situated close to
the sleeping quarters, are rarely cleaned out
or equipped with disinfectants. Even these
"conveniences" are often not available in
sufficient numbers and sometimes there is
only one for both sexes. At one celery farm
last summer the one privy provided for
thirty-eight migrants became so offensive
that they refused to use it and took to the
nearby woods.

Something Besides Work

One recent improvement in some farm
labor camps has been the inauguration of
centers for the . day care of children con-
sidered even by the farmers and parents as
too young to pick. [See "Care for Migrants'
Children," by Mebane Hunt Martensen,
Survey Midmonthly, May 1944.] The cen-
ters are operated by the New York State
Migrant Committee, a joint committee of
the Home Missions Council of North
America and the New York State Council
of Churches, largely with federal funds se-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

cured under the Lanham act through the
child care committee of the State War
Council. Not all camp operators have been
interested in this form of "pampering,"
since the camp must put up part of the
money when a nursery is established. Last
summer, out of nearly 400 farm labor camps
in the state only nineteen had such centers.

A few centers are well equipped for good
child care programs, but others are hardly
more than makeshift arrangements. How-
ever, all have an adult in attendance to
supervise tots who would otherwise be left
to run wild all day, or be taken along to
the fields. In addition to child care, the
centers usually provide the setting for a
weekly medical clinic.

Since few of the camps provide board,
nearby shopping facilities are important to
the occupants. What they find is usually no
more than a roadside stand, selling only
kerosene, bread, canned vegetables, soda
pop, and smoked meats. Operated by a con-
cessionaire or occasionally by a representa-
tive of the contractor or grower, these stands
sometimes embody all the evils of a "com-
pany store."

Since pickers are human, in their few
waking hours away from the fields they
naturally seek entertainment. In many
camps gambling becomes the big diversion,
for there is nothing else to do. Only in the
few camps where the child care centers are
equipped with juke boxes for evening
dances has there been any attempt to pro-
vide recreational facilities.

The camps are usually too far from town
for the migrants to be able to go to a movie
or even to church. When the pickers are
within walking distance of town, too fre-
quently they find a frigid welcome on the
part of a community which regards them as
disease-ridden and dirty.

The Home Missions Council alone at-
tempts to bring something besides work into
the migrants' lives, sending clergymen into
a few of the camps to conduct religious
services and occasionally also to promote
wholesome recreational activities. Though
in the latter task the lack of facilities has
presented an almost insurmountable barrier,
the young missionaries have made a little
headway in the promotion of baseball games
and other sports.

Health Is a Problem

In most camps, there seems to be a gen-
eral assumption that "the boss will git the
doctor" if anyone falls sick, but at one camp
last summer the investigator found a six-
teen-year-old boy who had been in bed for
three days without a doctor having been
called. Only those camps with child care
centers have weekly medical clinics with a
doctor or a county nurse in attendance. The
doors of local hospitals are shut to migrants
as "non-residents," except in cases of emer-
gency.

That virulent epidemics do not sweep
through the migrant camps periodically,
taking a heavy toll of lives and spreading
to the surrounding community, is perhaps
due to the alertness of county health officers
to whom every case of the more obvious
contagious diseases, such as smallpox, scar-
let fever, or typhoid, must be reported. The

A barn-like camp community "kitchen" crude equipment and wood-burning stove

somewhat miraculous escape from such
scourges may also be attributed in part to
the state health department's insistence on
periodic water testing within the camps
the one regulation of the state sanitary code
that seems to be strictly enforced.

It is doubtful, however, whether the
migrants are escaping the ravages of the
more subtle and insidious contagious dis-
eases such as tuberculosis and the vene-
real infections diseases that spread rapidly
from victim to victim, but do their maiming
and killing slowly, so that what is in reality
an epidemic remains unnoticed. True, the
state sanitary code prohibits the admission
to the camps of persons "capable of trans-
mitting a communicable disease," but such
a prohibition can hardly be expected to be
effective without provision for pre-entry
physical examinations. The extreme over-
crowding under which the migrants live is,
of course, the most favorable climate that
could be provided for the spread of such in-
fections.

The Tolari committee, in its report pub-
lished four years ago, revealed that the "con-
stant characteristics of the disadvantages of
migrancy," wherever it existed, were poor
housing, overcrowding, lack of sanitation,
poor water supply, "absence of ordinary
facilities," non-enforcement of school at-
tendance laws, discrimination against mi-
grant children within schools, child labor,
and exclusion from normal community life.
That was in 1941 but, in spite of war pros-
perity, conditions in farm labor camps are
unchanged at least in New York State.

By Way of Contrast

Yet while American migrant families con-
tinue to live under such disadvantages, farm
workers imported to this country from
Jamaica and the Bahamas, because of the
wartime labor shortage, are provided with
good living arrangements. Brought in under
international contracts, these imported pick-

ers command at least the same wages as
our native migrants (or often better) but
with safeguards denied the latter a guar-
antee of work for 75 percent of the time
covered by their contracts, and $3 a day
for each day they are unemployed. In addi-
tion, they are provided with full dental and
medical care by the federal government.
Since their contracts specify standards of
living arrangements, most of them are
housed in places that put the ordinary farm
labor camps to shame.

For instance, a former CCC camp near
Ithaca, N. Y., last summer housed 125
men from the Bahamas. Its stained and
painted wooden barracks are grouped
around a central lawn. Other buildings con-
tain a well equipped kitchen and dining
room (where board was provided for $8 a
week); sanitary showers, lavatories, and
toilet facilities; a recreation hall with a
piano, two billiard tables, and a small stage.

The provision of living quarters is, of
course, a more complex problem when
whole families are involved. Never-
theless, here and there a forward looking
farm operator, interested in helping his
pickers, has proved that decent family
camps can be achieved. For example, the
manager of a large New York hop farm,
besides establishing a wage inducement of
10 cents an hour extra for every worker
who stays the entire season, has set up a
camp which must seem luxurious to mi-
grants who have long followed the crops.

Attached cabins are equipped with run-
ning water, electric hot plates, comfortable
double-decker beds, and a heat blowing ar-
rangement for damp, cold weather. Two
shower houses of eight units each have hot
and cold water, as does an indoor laundry
with four tubs. A cafeteria offers appetizing
food at reasonable prices. A child care center
is located in a new building, adequately
screened and provided with hot and cold
(Continued on page 30)

JANUARY 1945

LETTERS AND LIFE

Looking in on the Germans

MANY AMERICANS ARE CONVINCED THAT
there is no difference between Hitler's party
and the German masses; that their aspira-
tions coincide to such an extent that the less
violent Germans are willing to accept Nazi
ruthlessness as the price of victory. Numer-
ous agencies, official and nonofficial, are try-
ing to determine what methods shall be
used to suppress this aggressiveness and
make the German a tractable world citizen,
but few are trying to find out what makes
the German behave as he does today.

There are a few contemporary documents
that give a picture of this German of today.
Oddly enough, the most sympathetic is
drawn by a Pole, a prisoner of war who
was employed as a farm laborer in Ger-
many. Here "sympathetic" is a relative
term. The author does not express friendly
sentiments, but he understands human
nature so well that he can see how German
peasants are themselves prisoners of their
traditional attitudes, their readiness to take
orders without question, and their ability
to make workhorses of themselves.

Stolid Peasants

Alexander Janta, who draws this portrait
in "I Lied to Live: A Year as a German
Family Slave" (Roy Publishers; $2.75), was
better equipped than American correspon-
dents to get close to the German peasant.
As a Polish journalist he had been in close
touch with Germans, and he had had wide
experience with other nations. A volunteer
in the French army, he was taken prisoner
at the collapse of France. He and another
Pole agreed to pass themselves off as French,
in order to get better treatment and possibly
the chance to escape. His friend confessed
his nationality and was shot. Mr. Janta,
though he was thrown with two Polish
peasants in his farm work, had to pretend
ignorance of his native tongue to carry out
his plans.

The reader will find this one of the most
valuable books on "inside Germany" that
has come out of the war. It concerns itself
less with officials than with plain human
beings. In certain of their dealings, these
people were what the German peasant has
been for many generations; in others they
had been warped by the Nazi regime.

The Schnabel family, on whose farm Mr.
Janta worked, consisted of the browbeating
head (an Oberfeldwebel of cavalry in the
first World War), his drudge of a wife, an
arrogant son, and "Granny," who, like
many elderly German women, was appre-
hensive of the future. Their driving power
tired out the help, but the Germans worked
equally hard. They read from the gospels
every Sunday and "found it easy, by quot-
ing from the Bible, to justify more than
one of their deeds."

(All boo\s

HARRY HANSEN

The two Polish peasants had been taken
from their homes and forced to do farm
work, but Mrs. Schnabel "always insisted,
as though trying to foothe a not quite pure
conscience, that her Poles were 'volunteers'
from Poland." The Schnabels had to make
some payment for their workers to the
central camp administration and the labor-
ers were allowed a pittance to spend at
certain shops. Poles were treated as an in-
ferior people, and many German farmers,
having understood that they lived in filth,
were surprised to find them industrious and
scrupulously clean. Some attributed this
cleanliness to German influence.

When the laborers tried to buy a few
bare necessities "the German looked the
other way and sometimes even gave them
hints where they could get things cheapest.
If they worked, they let them do what they
liked outside of working hours." The Ger-
man guards were corruptible by small gifts
and once they had succumbed they were
exploited by the prisoners.

The natural expressiveness of the Polish
girl offended the Schnabel family. The
prisoners ate with them, although this was
against regulations, because Mrs. Schnabel
was unwilling to have the extra work of
two tables. The Germans "wore a stiff and
rather tight-fitting mask of conventional be-
havior and adhered to it strictly, as though
they were ashamed of possessing such things
as human feelings." Readers will recognize
this as a universal German trait, the other
side of that excessive sentimentality, nos-
talgia, and Wehmut also characteristic of
the German nature.

The German peasants whom Mr. Janta
saw had not changed much with the years.
Their pride in German victories, their
horror of Frenchwomen who painted their
faces, their willingness to cheat the govern-
ment, were traits observed during the first
World War. The age-old fear of Russia was
shown when Russia and Germany went to
war; the Schnabels were unsettled, Granny
kept repeating, "This will be dreadful!"
and Schnabel became cooperative, until
Hitler's victories again restored his con-
fidence and arrogance.

This is an old story, but it has meaning
for us. It indicates that when Germany is
defeated these peasants will remain the
dogged workhorses of the soil, shrugging
off political events. (From the evidence in
this book I doubt that the German under-
ground will be able to recruit many peasants
for a dangerous secret war.) Mr. Janta's
account which has many other valuable
facets, notably its description of how pris-
oners get along among themselves and how
their isolation weighs upon their spirits
leads me to believe that the stolid German
peasant will remain what he was and, in
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
24

consequence, will make less trouble for the
Allied administration than the strongly
nationalistic groups of the cities.

Conquerors in Poland

In Poland, the Germans took their gloves
off and wore brass knuckles. They pillaged,
burned, and murdered. Jan Karski, member
of the Polish underground, now working
with the Polish government in London,
saw members of the Hitler Jugend walk
into the newly created ghetto of Warsaw,
take pot shots at windows, and laugh loudly
when a yell of pain resulted. He went to
Belzec, 100 miles east of Warsaw, put on
the Estonian uniform and witnessed the
death ride of many Jews who were thrust
into freight cars filled with quicklime and
taken to a lonely spot many miles away.
He writes this without dramatic emphasis
in his "Story of a Secret State" (Houghton,
Mifflin; $3). It is not the sort of thing one
expects to find told dispassionately, but Mr.
Karski may have seen too much to be in-
terested in anything but the plain facts.

He describes how the various groups of
the Polish underground carried out orders
without knowing who the members were.
He explains the rigid discipline, which per-
mitted no cooperation with the Nazis and
thus made a puppet government impossible.
He was present when the underground "ex-
ecuted" a traitor. The Poles had a tradition
of conspiratorial action from the Tsarist
days and the underground had the support
of the patriotic. They seem to have taken
inordinate risks. Mr. Karski speaks of a
woman who "subscribed to the secret press
and did the normal things that were de-
manded of her," living in fear that the
secret newspaper might be found in her
purse when she was with the German civil
officer billeted in her house.

A woman worker of the underground
defended those Polish women who ac-
cepted the attentions of Germans in order
to live, explaining that "an unfortunate,
average woman who wants to live through
the war and wait for her husband" had no
alternative. Others were made of sterner
stuff; they suffered terrible torture for their
opposition to the Germans, and they died.
It may be said that a nation survives by
both the inspiration of its heroines and
the dogged clutch on life of its stolid
women who must become the mothers of
the next generation.

In Hitlerland

While Mr. Karski does not add much to
what we already know of the Nazis, Jose
Antonio de Aguirre, one-time president of
the Basque republic, has several contribu-
tions to make in his personal memoir,
"Escape via Berlin." (Macmillan; $3). The
be postpaid)

Basques have a long tradition of liberty and
were given a measure of self-government by
the republic of Spain. When that govern-
ment fell, Mr. Aguirre became a fugitive
with a price on his head.

With the greatest self-confidence he wan-
dered in and out of the German lines as a
Dr. Alvarez, finally going to Berlin itself
in order to get papers to leave the country
with his family. It is true that he did not
rely wholly on his wits, as did some of
the escaped prisoners who went through
Berlin. He had the help of Central Amer-
ican diplomats, who furthered his disguise
and his passage. Because of the well known
respect of German officials for documents
bearing seals (the more seals the better),
Mr. Aguirre had an easier time than most.

Aside from the adventure of hoodwink-
ing and escaping the Germans, Mr. Aguirre
tells us more about the Basques and his own
point of view than about the Germans. He
is convinced that Hitler's regime is not
bourgeois. He believes that the advocates
of freedom must arrive with superior force,
so that the German can see that liberty can
crush totalitarian doctrines.

The final half of the book reveals how
the Basque diplomat and political leader,
now a lecturer in history at Columbia Uni-
versity, sees the democracy of the future.
Firmly devoted to individual liberty, Mr.
Aguirre is opposed to totalitarianism be-
cause it has no confidence in human beings
as individuals but uses them for the pur-
poses of the state or the ambitions of those
who control. He is not wholly sure that
"the parliamentary system" is needed in a
democracy, but he does insist that demo-
cratic government means a representative
government, in which the "free and legi-
timate will of the people" can be expressed.
He mentions the knotty problem of "parlia-
mentary institutions which mistook the
tyranny of the majority for democracy." The
freedom of vote unhindered and freedom
of worship are in Mr. Aguirre's charter.

Of value to us is his comment on Spanish
Americanism or Latin Americanism. "His-
panidad," he says, is the spirit of violence
and dictatorship, usually called "law and
order" by its adherents. Because of the
bridge between South America and Spain,
a dictatorship in Spain influences Latin
America and affects it unfavorably. Mr.
Aguirre feels that perpetuation of the
Franco government is a danger to the
United States and the Atlantic Charter, no
less than to the republican elements in
Spain, to which the Basques belong.

THE WILSON ERA: Years of Peace 1910-
1917, by Josephus Daniels. University of
North Carolina Press. $4.

THIS IS ONE OF THE MOST DELIGHTFUL AND

entertaining books ever written about the
rise of Woodrow Wilson and his early
years in the White House. It is a good
natured, talkative, slightly rambling book
with humor in it, and sadness and good
stories of people.

You do not exactly read it. You listen
to Josephus Daniels as he tells it to you.
And from time to time his round, smiling
face beams at you from a photograph or
cartoon. Here is one of the men who

helped make Woodrow Wilson President, a
man who edited for many years one of the
South's great newspapers the Raleigh
News and Observer, a paper with a daily
circulation larger than the total population
of its North Carolina hometown. Wilson's
Secretary of the Navy tells you, with great
good humor, how and why he ruled out
liquor aboard the U. S. fleet, and he is
quoting the campaign of opposition and
ridicule which followed the order.

Daniels tells of the political maneuvers
that made Wilson President. He describes
the row between McCombs and McAdoo
within the Democratic National Committee
which might have ended in disaster. He
mentions his surprise and pleasure at Wil-
son's invitation to become Secretary of the

Navy. With considerable gusto he relates
his sometimes unsuccessful efforts to get rid
of red tape and to shift socially presentable
but not especially efficient officers. He
speaks affectionately of Franklin D. Roose-
velt, appointed Assistant Secretary of the
Navy because he was the handsomest man
available. (The chapter title is "Love at
First Sight F.D.R. and J.D.)

He talks about his friends and acquaint-
ances: Edison, Admiral Dewey, Vice-Presi-
dent Marshall (who said his chief duty
was "to sleep while Senators droned and
inquire about the health of the President"),
Senator Lodge, William Jennings Bryan-
all the important figures of the adminis-
tration.

It's a delightful pageant. It is not a com-

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NOTICE TO
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operations in Canada
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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^

Coming in January for SURVEY Readers

I SPEAK FOR JOE DOAKES

by Roy F. Bergengren

Managing Director, Credit Union National Association

What have the consumer credit and consumer cooperative movements to
say to the plain citizen about the problems of the peace and after?
Here a sympathetic spokesman for the common man tells in simple
language of the fears and hopes of ordinary folks and tells how they
can build the world they yearn for through agencies that social workers
will find here described. $2.00

PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS
OF DEMOCRACY

by George de Haszar

"I am excited about Professor de Huszar's book! It is the sole book of my
acquaintance which deals entirely, or almost so, with the proposition that democracy
can be learned in only one way, namely, through action. But this is not all, he
also gives some specific instructions and clues regarding the types of situation in
which the democratic process is applicable. These situations lie within the spheres of
community, government, education, art, leisure, journalism, administration and
work." Eduard C. Lindeman, Professor of Social Philosophy, New York School
of Social Work.

"Social workers and particularly group workers will find it an inspiring guide to
action." Charles E. Hendry, Director, Research and Statistical Service, Boy Scouts
of America. $2.00

THE ECONOMIC ORDER
AND RELIGION

by Frank H. Knight, Professor of Social Sciences, University
of Chicago; and Thornton W. Merriam, Director of U.S.O.
Training, National Council, Y.M.C.A.

Here are answers to the timely question: what has ocen tne influence of Christianity
on our economic life? That the influences have been bad and have been good are
the positions vigorously defended by two authors who debate their views in a
stimulating, cogent way. A book to stir all socially minded readers as to the
reasons for their social faith. $3.00

Already Available ....

AMERICAN
EDUCATION
UNDER FIRE

by V. T. Thayer

No other book so candidly and
clearly states the controversial issues
agitating the world of education the
"great books" idea, the place of re-
ligion, the use of radical teachers,
the meaning of "progressive" educa-
tion. "It displays solid philosophical,
historical roots." New York Herald
Tribune. $2.50

PUBLIC SCHOOLS
AND SPIRITUAL
VALUES

by John S. Brubacher

and others. The Seventh Annual
Yearbook of the John Dewey
Society.

A realistic approach to the "hot"
theme of the need for religious in-
fluences in public education. How
can schools committed to religious
neutrality foster those spiritual values
needed to enhance democratic living
is the urgent topic here construc-
tively examined by leading educators.

$2.50

HARPER & BROTHERS, 49 E. 33rd St., N. Y. 16

plete history of the period, but it is far
more than a book of memoirs. Here is a
shrewd, human, liberal man, a man of
ability and of integrity, telling a part of
his life story, and making a mighty good
story out of it. It will be useful to his-
torians of the period because it contains
much new material, many new stories,
anecdotes, quotes, and explanations of
things never before explained. But perhaps
more important even than that, it is a re-
markably absorbing picture of how Amer-
ica got this way. ALDEN STEVENS
Co-author oj "Victory Without Peace"

EDWARD BELLAMY, a Biography, by Ar-
thur E. Morgan. Columbia University Press.
*5.

MOST AMERICANS KNOW EDWARD BELLAMY
as the author of the modern world's most
fascinating, effective, and widely read Uto-
pian novel, "Looking Backward" and, per-
haps, of his less popular but more scientific
treatise, "Equality."

When, more than a decade ago, Arthur
E. Morgan, then president of Antioch Col-
lege and chairman of the Tennessee Valley
Authority, was asked to write Bellamy's
biography, he consented in the belief that
the distinguished American Utopian had
been a man of only one interest, that of
conceiving and expounding social Utopias,
and that an adequate biography could be
written as a literary diversion in a few
months of leisure time.

No sooner, however, had Mr. Morgan be-
gun his task than he began to arrive at the
conclusion that Bellamy was "not just a
Utopian," but "one of the most ranging
and penetrating minds" America had pro-
duced a man of many interests, an in-
tellectual contributor to many causes. At
this discovery, Mr. Morgan started in his
spare time, with the aid of competent as-
sistants, an exhaustive study of Bellamy's
life, collected and analyzed the scores of
manuscripts and notes of Bellamy still left
intact, interviewed the writer's relatives and
many of his friends and followers, and,
eleven years later, produced the first and
only definitive biography of the great
Utopian.

The book begins with an appraisal of
the widespread influence of "Looking Back-
ward" on leaders of modern thought and
action, brings to light many intensely inter-
esting and important facts regarding Bel-
lamy as a rebel against conventional tradi-
tions and environments, a leader of the Na-
tionalist movement, breadwinner and
father, psychologist, eugenist, economist,
lover of nature. Mr. Morgan maintains that
in psychology Bellamy was inherently as
significant as Freud, that in eugenics he
antedated present day accepted principles by
half a century, that in political economy he
was a creative genius, that as a nature lover
he ranked with Thoreau and as a philoso-
pher, with Emerson. Had Bellamy posses-
sed a vigorous physique and had he lived
to a riper age he died at the early age of
forty-eight Mr. Morgan believes that he
would have been widely acclaimed for his
talents along many of these lines.

Some critics of Bellamy in the past have
contended that he had no deep social con-

(In answering advertisements tilease mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

victions before he began to write his
Utopian novel, but that these convictions
were developed during the process of writ-

Several alternative over-all governmental
budgets are set up intended to meet re-
spectively the conditions of low, medium,

ing. Mr. Morgan challenges this point of high, and feverish private investment after
view, and brings convincing evidence to the war. These investment levels are esti-

bear that the development of his social
ideals including that of equality began
when Bellamy was in his early teens.

The biographer describes Bellamy's activ-
ities and writings with sympathy, under-
standing, and ardent admiration, and de-
fends him against many of the accusations,
among them that of plagiarism, which have
been brought against him. On the other
hand, he does not hesitate to criticize
Bellamy's errors of judgment in anticipating
the realization of his dream within a com-
paratively few years, and in urging a too
simplified, too all-embracing regimented
and centralized collectivism as the goal of
social progress. Throughout, the biographer
gives the reader the advantage of his own
rich experience and considered thinking on
vital social problems.

While the book would have been more
readable had some of the large number of
quotations been omitted and repetitious
statements avoided, and while the reader
might not follow the biographer's appraisals
of Bellamy's contributions in certain fields
of endeavor, the American public owes a
debt of gratitude to Mr. Morgan for writ-
ing so authoritative, complete, valuable, and
absorbing a biography of one of America's
foremost seers and prophets. It is to be
hoped that this book will stimulate a re-
newed interest in Bellamy's works and in
many of the ideals of a better life which
he so ardently espoused.
Executive Director HARRY W. LAIDLER
League for Industrial Democracy

ADMINISTRATIVE
GOVERNMENT

STATE AND LOCAL FINANCE IN THE
NATIONAL ECONOMY, by Alvin H.
Hansen and Harvey S. Perloff. Norton.
#3.75.

THIS BOOK IS CONCERNED LARGELY WITH

the interrelationships between federal, state,
and local governmental financial operations,
and their proper adjustment to changes in
private economic activity after the war. At-
tempt is made to show that "only where
the higher levels of government played a
role vigorously and efficiently are condi-
tions created under which subordinate units
of government can effectively carry out the
functions appropriate to them."

Suggestions are incorporated for the
modernization of state and local govern-
ment and their fiscal basis, needed to meet
the requirements of an expanded economy.
Special emphasis is placed on the need for
development of resources on a regional
basis and redevelopment of urban areas.
The federal government, it is said, should
undertake to maintain minimum standards
of social services on a greatly extended
scale, either by taking over completely some
state and local functions or by providing
more grants-in-aid. A compensatory fiscal
policy should be followed not only by the
federal government but, under the latter's
leadership, in a limited way also by state
and local governments.

mated at $4 billion a year at the low point,
and at $23 billion at the peak point. The
national income at these points is forecast
at $125 and $150 billion respectively. The
federal budget is anticipated in one case
to rise to $29 billion and have a deficit of
$10 billion; and in the other case, to drop
to $22 billion and to produce a surplus of
$5 billion. It is believed that main reliance
in federal postwar financing should be
placed on the personal income tax in which
substantial abatements should be allowed
for invested income. The federal corpora-

tion tax should be converted primarily into
an income tax on stockholders collected at
the source. The states should use more
extensively the personal income tax, revise
drastically their business taxes, and repeal
their general sales taxes. State and local
borrowing should be maintained at a level
of only some $800 million a year.

The book is comprehensive in scope, and
stimulating. It brings together a large body
of current thought on the subject and is
well documented. Its uniqueness lies in the
fact that it extends to the field of state and
local finance the Keynesian-Hansen ap-
proach, heretofore applied only to the field
of national finance, and attempts to outline
an integrated federal, state, local fiscal
policy for the postwar period along liberal

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PREJUDICE

JAPANESE-AMERICANS

Symbol of Racial Intolerance

It brings up the crucial point
that all Pacific peoples will
judge us by the way we solve
the problem of U. S. citizens
and residents of Japanese an-
cestry.

". . . no violation of civil rights
in wartime ever more squarely
raised the issue of military
power versus the Constitution."
Roger N. Baldwin, Director
of American Civil Liberties
Union, in PM.

"... a surgical effort to expose
to light and air one of the most
terrifying war-time develop-
ments." - Bernard DeVoto,
N. Y. Herald Tribune.

1. Chicago Sun

2. Newsweek

3. N.Y. Herald Tribune

4. N.Y. Herald Tribune
Book Review

At all bookstores. $3.00

LITTLE, BROWN & CO

(In

ines. It tends to overemphasize, however,
he need for an expansion of federal grants-
n-aid after the war and, on the other hand,
o underemphasize the possibilities for the
expansion of activities of state and local
jovernments on a foundation of their own
resources. The title of the book is a mis-
nomer. The book deals as much with
ederal as with state and local finance in
he national economy. PAUL STUDENSKI
Department of Economics
New Yor/^ University

BUREAUCRACY: A Challenge to Better
Management, by J. M. Juran. Harper. $2.

REGULATORY ADMINISTRATION, ed-
ited by George A. Graham and Henry
Reining, Jr. Wiley. #2.75.

'BUREAUCRACY" is A LITTLE BOOK WRITTEN
with restraint, understanding, humor, and
ntelligence. The author, an industrial man-
agement engineer doing his war stint as an
assistant administrator in the Lend-Lease
Administration, offers the sober judgment
that "the utilization of scientific principles
of management in government to the same
extent as it is today practiced in progressive
ndustry could cut the [federal] govern-
ment population in half, and this while
performing all the present functions with
at least present effectiveness."

Mr. Juran differs from those who (espe-
cially in a campaign year) demand the use
of the meat axe in two vital respects: as a
management engineer, he is not trying to
eliminate regulation or control in the name
of "economy"; and he sees that the problem
is one of years, "even under the best con-
ditions." It is a "vibrant and delicate myth"
that "it is in the hollow of the President's
hand to remedy all this." The President
has already "most emphatically issued" the
desired edict; but the order cannot be
carried out, "because the management
maturity of the federal government is in-
adequate to the task."

Any welfare official caught in the toils
of the audit of travel vouchers or the
rigidities of a civil service system will
chuckle over Mr. Juran's sprightly writing;
it is refreshing to look at these mechanisms
that seem to have God-given eternal verity
with the fresh eye of a skilled management
man. Mr. Juran sees, of course, how often
the problems parallel those of large scale
corporate enterprise; it is his saving grace
to recognize, on the other hand, the special
environment of the public servant. "Life in
a Goldfish Bowl," "The One-Way Street
of Criticism" (some of his lively headings)
are forces that make the problems different.
This book is highly recommended.

In his introductory essay to "Regula-
tory Administration," the senior editor ex-
plains that "viewed broadly, regulation is
the process of getting people to follow a
line of conduct that is in accord with
public policy." In a chapter full of shrewd
insight, Mr. Graham casts his eye over the
whole field of human conduct and deals
pithily with the elements "especially useful
in making an appraisal" of the regulatory
process.

First, what is the problem? "As long as
the 'miasmic' vapors of the malarial regions
were thought to produce disease, the public
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY

got nowhere in controlling malaria." A
new problem, says Graham in his salty
way, "means controversy if it is at all seri-
ous. Tinkering with the hive produces an
inevitable buzzing."

Second, what are the objectives? Regu-
lating milk to assure purity is one thing;
regulating its price is quite something else
again. If the legislature doesn't know what
it wants achieved, it is useless to expect
the administrator to spell it out clearly.

Third, what is the authority? "In no
country in the world does official position
carry less inherent power than in the
United States."

Who, then, is to be regulated? What is
to be the timing? And what is the appeal:
"Perhaps the easiest way to misunderstand
regulation is to fail to appreciate the wide
variety of methods by which consent may
be sought."

It was clearly the intention of the editors
that each of the collaborators would take a
field of regulation and deal with these
sophisticated questions. Each collaborator is
the best in his field: Colonel O. W. Wilson
on police; Dr. Gaylord Anderson on public
health; Dean William E. Mosher on public
utilities; Wilbur La Roe, Jr., on railroads.
But only Mr. Reining, the co-editor, in his
essay on state labor law administration has
caught fully the intent. The others have
produced solid, comprehensive accounts of
the development of regulation in their
fields, but they have addressed themselves
only obliquely to Mr. Graham's questions.
Each chapter is worthwhile; but they do
not add up to the study in comparative
administration that the editors dreamed of
a decade ago. There is a rather special
chapter by Prof. Leon Marshall analyzing
the "location and utilization of authority"
in the division of review of NRA: it is by
way of an extended footnote.

CHARLES S. ASCHER
Regional Representative
National Housing Agency, New Yorf^ City

IN 1945

Cartf)

Will

QTotoarb J!en

CHRISTODORA
HOUSE

RESIDENCE
CLUB

PUBLIC HOUSING

(Continued from page 18)

structed under the act prior to the war-
time cessation of normal construction ac-
tivity; 7891 more contracted for with local,
county, and regional housing authorities
are temporarily in a state of suspension.
Both federal agency and local authorities
had to strain their resources and ingenuity
to the utmost to produce a contract, a
procedure, and regulations which made even
this small beginning possible.

Thus, experience shows conclusively that
housing legislation must frankly recognize
the distinctive differences between an ur-
ban and a rural program. The feasibility
of "equivalent elimination" in a rural pro-
gram must be considered the provision in
the present Housing Act which requires
that for every dwelling unit built in a
public housing project one in a slum area
must be demolished. The probability of
prospective purchase as against rent of
homes in rural areas; the limited pos-
sibilities of local contribution and the need
for a different computation of the annual
federal contribution; the intimate relation-
ship between the house as a dwelling unit
and the farm as a production unit and
source of family income all these matters
must be faced.

Studies have been made of the living
habits in rural areas and their special re-
lationship to the design of a rural dwelling.
Studies also have been made of the func-
tion of the dwelling house in the economic
and social patterns of the farm. The re-
sults of such studies should be reflected in
legislation, if it is to be sufficiently realis-
tic to enable rural communities and farms
to participate on an equal basis with the
urban centers in a national housing pro-
gram.

Housing Minority Groups

Another problem which must be grap-
pled with realistically in the postwar period
is that of providing adequate housing for
minority groups. Behind any neat blue-
print of a well-housed country are human
complexes that cannot be overlooked. In
1940, one in every four urban houses oc-
cupied by whites was substandard. In the
case of non-whites, two out of every three
houses were substandard. But if we are to
house America adequately, we must include
housing for our large number of Negroes
and of other numerically smaller minority
groups.

The problem would be relatively simple
if it were only a matter of providing,
through subsidies for public housing or
the necessary aids to private capital, the
accommodations needed by our minority
population. Under the relatively limited
program of low rent housing under the
U. S. Housing Act up to the outbreak of
the war, the housing needs of Negroes
were being recognized. Of the 105,000
housing units built under the public pro-
gram, about a third (38,600) were for Ne-

gram 7,600 additional family homes had
been provided.

But the minority housing problem is not
one of buildings alone. More than anything
else it is a matter of finding space in which
to put the buildings. Large groups of
these people are being forced to live in
tight pockets of slum areas where they in-
crease at their own peril; they are denied
the opportunity to spread out into new areas
in the search for decent living.

The opening of new areas of living to
all minority groups is a community prob-
lem. And it is one of national concern.
It is a problem that each community must
consider and explore for possible solutions.
Plans for community development should
be studied and re-studied to include ade-
quate provision in space for all groups.
Further, where tenants are displaced to
make way for a new development, whether
residential, industrial or commercial, other
space in which they can live must be found.
This is particularly important in the case
of minority groups, for displaced tenants
must not be dumped on top of an already
overcrowded, rimmed-in quarter of town.

Matters for Congress

In developing our public housing pro-
gram horizontally, as already suggested,
certain imperfections of our present pro-
gram must be recognized and corrected.
The real answer to many vital problems
must come from the Congress with whom
the duty and the responsibility rests.

First of all, it should be made clear that
further expansion of the low rent housing
program is a matter solely for congressional
determination and that it depends entirely
upon additional authorization for subsidies.
The annual subsidy of $28,000,000 max-
imum, authorized in the U. S. Housing Act
of 1937, will be fully absorbed by pres-
ent commitments.

Apart from the need for congressional
action to provide funds for subsidies, how-
ever, experience indicates that the opera-
tion of the low rent program can be sub-
stantially improved if certain revisions to
the Housing Act are made.

For example, the act now provides for
use of federal funds to finance up to 90
percent of the capital cost of low rent hous-
ing projects. As a matter of fact, however,
local housing authorities have been able
to obtain from private sources much more
than the remaining 10 percent of their cap-
ital financing. Some authorities already
are getting as much as 85 percent of their
money from private investors. I am con-
fident that with certain amendments to
the Housing Act, local authorities could
borrow 100 percent of their capital funds
direct from private sources. If this were
done, government funds for permanent cap-
ital financing would be largely unnecessary.

A second change that should be made
in the law is to reduce from 60 to 45 years
the period during which the federal gov-
ernment is committed to pay annual cash
contributions.

From these two changes could flow a
number of improvements in the program
which would reduce the ultimnrr financial
(Continued on page 30)

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(Continued from page 29)

cost to the government and at the same time
expand the participation of private capital
in public housing.

Matters of Operation

Besides these improvements dependent
upon congressional action, much could be
done to advance the housing program
through improving the administrative
process itself within the framework of the
present legislation. The attitude and policy
of the federal agency and the local public
bodies engaged in this effort are perhaps
as important as perfecting legislation.
Above all, a public housing program must
arise from the communities and not be im-
posed upon them by a central agency. The
principle of the U. S. Housing Act, by
which the federal government becomes
merely the helpmate and fiduciary while
the local public body is the active initiator,
developer, and manager is sound and im-
portant.

In the Thirties, local housing authorities
were immature and understaffed; they re-
quired a certain amount of paternalism.
Today, however, with several years of ex-
perience behind them, the authorities are
prepared to accept their full responsibilities,
a situation which must be recognized both
by them and by the federal agency through
the adoption of an appropriate attitude and
administrative policy.

The federal agency has two broad pur-
poses. One is to discharge its legal and
business responsibility under the law as
enacted by the Congress. This first re-
sponsibility of the agency is to present to
the localities a forthright, concise statement
of the basic conditions under which they
may do business with the federal govern-
ment through the Federal Public Housing
Authority. To illustrate: the government
is concerned with regard to cost and mini-
mum standards in the design of a project,
for it is the intent of the law that financial
assistance shall be rendered only where
housing is to be of a decent standard and
falls in the low cost category.
Aside from meeting such requirements,
it is for local housing authorities to de-
termine less basic questions whether, for
instance, there shall be a porch or a breeze-
way, a pitched or a flat roof, inside tile
or plaster, or any other specific feature
adapted to local needs or preference.

The federal agency's responsibility does
not end, however, when it puts into force
what the law requires. It also has an
obligation of service to the authorities and
to the communities. Implicit here is the
obligation to display leadership in devising
methods for improvements in design, man-
agement, operations, administrative proces-
ses, and lowering of costs. The Federal Pub-
lic Housing Authority is indeed a veritable
storehouse of experience in one of the great-
est experiments in housing history. To syn-
thesize that experience and to make it
available for the guidance of local authori-
ties is one of its major tasks.

As a corollary to these functions of a
federal agency, the local public housing
body must develop certain essential char-
acteristics and attitudes. Indeed, in this

group, more than in any other place in
the chain of operations, must rest the vital
spark of initiative and accomplishment, the
understanding of the basic problem and
the ability to tackle it soundly, steadfastly,
and resourcefully.

It must be a local body in the real sense
of the word, responsible to the community
and not to a federal agency, an integral
part of the stream of community life. It
must offer leadership for those less able to
speak for their own necessities and must
work with other leadership that seeks better
housing for all. Finally, it must be a dy-
namic force unwilling to rest until the solu-
tion of housing for low income families has
been applied all across the board.

No one can foresee the destiny of the
public housing program in the immediate
future. It would be foolhardy to ignore
the existence of well-intentioned opposition
or the presence of selfish, uninformed,
and reckless critics. But good housing must
cease to be regarded as a national luxury.
It is inconceivable that this country will
continue to subscribe to the doctrine of
scarcity in the second most important neces-
sity of man's life.

The acceptance of the view that good
housing is a scarce commodity to be ra-
tioned on a high-dollar market inevitably
implies that the nation can afford the price
of all the ills that center around slums
and blight. America, strong and indomit-
able though she seems, cannot continue to
permit the ebbing of its strength through
the airless, lightless coops of her slums.

THEY HARVEST CROPS

(Continued from page 23)

running water, cooking facilities, and a
juke box for evening entertainment. Three
paid supervisors see that the camp is kept
in order. There are tightly lidded refuse
barrels before each cabin.

There Are Laws . . .

The deplorable conditions under which
most migrant farm workers live in New
York cannot be blamed entirely on the
lack of legislation. There are state laws
many of them which apply to mi-
grants as well as others. Under them,
no camp is supposed to operate without
a permit from the local health authority,
the issuance depending upon compliance
with the state sanitary code. Yet camp
after camp contains flagrant violations of
the code overcrowding, inadequate ven-
tilation, lack of fire exits, cooking arrange-
ments in sleeping quarters, lack of kitchen
screening, filthy privies, absence of recep-
tacles for garbage disposal, and in some
instances location of buildings on surfaces
preventing adequate drainage. Temporary
permits, issued to allow a period for the
correction of violations, provide the loop-
hole unfortunately they are renewable,
apparently indefinitely.

New York State law also prohibits the
farm employment of children under four-
teen, except on their own families' farms,
and requires work permits of those between
fourteen and sixteen so employed. But

most children harvesting New York's
crops never heard of working papers, nor
did their parents. The grower or con-
tractor, who needs all the hands he can
get, does not go out of his way to inform
them, since he does not care to risk losing
all of his youngest pickers.

Another law prohibits an auto truck with
twenty or more passengers from going
farther than ten miles with more than
a third of the occupants standing; with-
out suitable seats securely attached
to the body; without side racks at least
three feet in height above the floor; with-
out a tailboard or tail gate that is securely
closed. But the truck in the Binghamton
accident, though carrying thirty-seven per-
sons a distance of more than a hundred
miles, had no tailboard and no benches.
Such amenities are rarely supplied in the
trucks that do the daily hauling to and
from the fields, and sometimes not even
in trucks that bring families all the way
from Florida. Said one driver who hauled
a "load of pickers" more than 1,100 miles
from the South to New York: "They pre-
fer to sit on their suitcases."

Attitudes Must Change

Obviously, one way to improve condi-
tions among the migrant families, with-
out whom much of New York's abundant
farm produce would go to waste, is to en-
force existing legislation. This is the first
step in a platform prepared by the New
York Consumers League as a result of its
investigation. The war emergency, the
league maintains, is hardly an excuse for
violating laws which were flagrantly ignored
long before the war, and probably will
continue to be ignored after the war un-
less definite steps are taken to impose recog-
nition of their existence. As a corollary
to this recommendation, the league urges
the elimination of their practice of issuing
temporary permits to the camps.

Strict law enforcement, however, the
league insists, must be accompanied by
other more positive activities if appreciable
improvements are to be achieved. Among
these, the league recommends additional
legislation to bring agricultural workers
in under the protection of the state Mini-
mum Wage Law and under the Work-
men's Compensation Act. Though wages
are not now the problem they were be-
fore the war, there is nothing to prevent
them from falling back to below subsistence
levels as soon as the manpower shortage is
relieved.

Pointing out that the whole problem
of insecurity among migrants is tied up
with the fact that they have no way of
holding the farm operators or padrones
to their promises, either in regard to wages
or living conditions, the league recom-
mends the regulation of labor contractors
through a system of state licensing, which
would require the use of written contracts
between padrone and worker. This would
extend to our native farm workers some
of the security now being enjoyed by the
imported Jamaicans and Bahamans.

But unless the prevailing attitudes among
most farmers and their town neighbors
toward the men, women, and children,

SURVEY GRAPHIC

who each year are drawn into the state
to gather the yield of a generous soil,
can be transformed into friendliness and a
positive interest, law enforcement will at
sest be sporadic and new legislation will
DC of little avail. On this theory the league
is girding itself to undertake an intensive
public education program in the farm areas
of the state. It has been encouraged to
find alert groups in scattered areas of the
state who are already working on this prob-
lem.

When the realization begins to dawn, in
Bouckville and Poolville and a host of other
communities, that crops are gathered not by
"pickers" but by people who feel hunger,
who think, tire, love, fear, hope, and de-
spair, then a force will be generated that
will begin to stretch democracy's tent ropes
to take in these long excluded outsiders.

AGENDA FOR AMERICANS

(Continued from page 14)

some ideas thrown out to get us started.
A preliminary draft prepared by the steer-
ing committee is now before you. Each
delegate has his copy. Your task is to
round out this preliminary draft; take it
as far as you can, as deep as you can, while
holding general agreement. We want to
obtain maximum agreement among our-
selves. None of us belongs to pressure
groups, but some of us have pet ideas.
I implore you to drop them if they stand
in the way of agreement. It isn't you who
must be vindicated, it is your country.
Broader still, it is democracy which must
be vindicated.

We are sick and tired of hearing it said
that we can never get anywhere because
our government is so rotten meaning, in
a democracy, that we are rotten. We are
sick and tired of running around in circles
wringing our hands because we can pro-
duce so much. That is a game for people
in a mental hospital, not for civilized men.
The war has interrupted the game, but if
we let things drift die mental cases will be
back.

The question before us here is not
whether there shall be government inter-
ference in the economy. That question was
settled in the affirmative by the first admin-
istration of George Washington, when cus-
toms tariffs were enacted. The question
before us here is what tynd of government
interference. Will it be to subsidize pow-
erful pressure groups, or to keep all Amer-
ica strong?

The Chairman took out his handkerchief
and ran it across his forehead. It was a
hot morning in Idaho. Out the windows
the mountains loomed through the haze,
and the pine trees on their flanks looked
green and cool.

I guess that is all, he said. Now we have
to go to work. . . . And he sat down.

There was very little applause. The men
and women facing him knew there was
nothing to celebrate. A milestone in the
history of their country had been reached.
If it was to be safely passed it meant the
hardest kind of work.

(In answering

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offered during the twemy-eteht months' course which leads to the degree of

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for Catalog** and Information addraiit

The Dean, YALE SCHOOL OF NURSING

New Haven, Connecticut

BACK THE ATTACK
WITH WAR BONDS

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SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

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Community Work

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

Western Reserve University

SCHOOL OF APPLIED
SOCIAL SCIENCES

Social Work Prepares

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Why can't slum clearance

and decent housing
be left to private enterprise?

NATHAN STRAUS

Fii-st Administrator of the U. S. Housing Authority

answers irrefutably this question
and every question advanced by
the enemies of public housing

MYTHS
OF HOUSING

With proven facts, graphic charts and tables, the
one man in America best qualified to discuss low-
cost housing strikes at the heart of this vital and
controversial subject. THE SEVEN MYTHS OF
HOUSING has three objectives. The first: to show
that slum conditions in town and country can be
eliminated only by a program of subsidized public
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ments now being secretly but powerfully urged
against a federal housing program. The third: to
offer a specific plan for better housing conditions
in the post-war period.

At all bookstores fi.f;

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SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK

A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.

Academic Year Open* June, 1945

The Accelerated Coarse provides two years of
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory,
three quarters of field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.

The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation.

SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK

Contents for December 1944

Medical Social Work in the Vocational Rehabilitation
Program Eleanor Cockerill

A Task for Social Work in Connection with Psychiatric
Rehabilitation Helen Witmtr and Phebe Rich

Abstracts of Theses: Smith College School for Social Work,
1944

For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

ntoer*ttp of Chicago

School of Jtfocixt S>txmtt Ainmniatrsttim
Spring quarter begins March 26, 1945

Academic Year, 1945-46

Summer Quarter, 1945

(1) Full quarter credit courses, includ-
ing Field Work, ten weeks, June 25
August 31.

(2) Special three week courses, carrying
University credit, for experienced
social workers.

Autumn Quarter begins October 2
Winter Quarter begins January 2
Spring Quarter begins March 25

THE SOCIAL SERVICE REVIEW

Edited by Edith Abbott
A Professional Quarterly for Social Workers

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SURVEV

3O CE NTS fl COPY

GRAPHIC

Air Age Transportation

by William Fielding Ogburn

Bridges to the Future by James T. Shotwell
Health: Today and Tomorrow by Michael M. Davis
Postwar Taxes and Full Employment by Mabel Newcomer
'n the Calendar of Our Consciences by Justine and Shad Polier
Icoholism Abraham Myerson, M. D. Letters & Life Harry Hansen

A Special New Republic Supplement Just Issued

The Challenge to Progressives

by James G. Patton and James Loeb Jr.

(President, National Farmers' Union)

(Director, Union for Democratic Action)

Including an 8-page chart which completes the voting record of the (last) 78th Congress
on all vital issues, lists the new Congressmen, and gives by a tabulation of votes
the margin of victory in the last election of all present members of Senate and House

1. The New Political Era

What will be the situation of the Progressive
without FDR on the ballot?

2. Toward a Realistic Program

What's wrong with. Liberal programs? Why
does a platform have to consist of more than
merely desirable planks?

3. A New Political Strategy

What are the periods through which the coun-
try has gone in Roosevelt's first three adminis-
trations? What alternatives confront the fourth
term?

4. Who Are the Progressives?

What social groups in America must and can
be won over to the cause of progressivism?
What is to be done about the farmer, the non-
political trade unionist, the independent voter,
the returning veteran?

5. The Parties

What are the progressive potentialities of the
major parties? The possibilities of a national
third party?

6. Conclusion

What can Progressives do now? What is needed
. programmatically, organizationally and psycho-
logically? What is the role of "professionals"?
What are the responsibilities of the Progres-
sives today?

This penetrating and non-doctrinaire study
is as timely as it is necessary. Written by
what might be termed two "professionals"
of long and distinguished standing in the
progressive ranks, the supplement sees the
present situation confronting liberals for
what it is and the effective possible courses
of action that can be taken to meet it. Theirs
is no idle discussion carried on in terms of

"What could be done if," but rather in terms
of "What can bb done because." Here is
analysis, appraisal, proposal, that is realis-
tic, plain-spoken, hard-hitting and confi-
dent. It adds up in short to a CHAL-
LENGE that you and every other Progres-
sive will sooner or later have to read.
Copies of the supplement are available
separately at our usual low quantity rates.

Prices: 1 copy lOc; 16 for $1 ; 34 for $2; 90 for $5

THE NEW REPUBLIC

40 East 49th Street, New York 17, N. Y.

For the enclosed please send me postpaid copies of THE CHALLENGE TO

PROGRESSIVES.

Name City

Street . . . State

< 1-2-4S

A non-partisan, non-profit, educational society or-
ganized in 1912 (o promote the common welfare

PUBLISHERS OF SURVEY GRAPHIC AND SURVEY MIDMONTHLY 112 EAST 19 STREET NEW YORK 3, N. Y.

OFFICERS

RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., President
ACNES BROWN LEACH, Vice President
JOHN PALMER CAVIT, Vice President
PAUL KELLOGG, Editor
ANN REED BRENNER, Secretary

BOARD OF DIRECTORS: Joseph P. Chamberlain, Chairman.

DOROTHY L. BERNHARD
JACOB BILLIKOPF
NELLIE LEE BOK
EVA HILLS EASTMAN
EARL C. HARRISON
RALPH HAYES

SIDNEY HILLMAN
FRED K. HOEHLER
BLANCHE ITTLESON
ALVIN JOHNSON
EDITH MORGAN KING

W. W. LANCASTER
AGNES BROWN LEACH
WILLIAM M. LEISERSON
THOMAS I. PARKINSON
JUSTINE WISE POLIER

WILLIAM ROSENWALD
BEARDSLEY RUML
EDWARD L. RYERSON
LOWELL SHUMWAY
HAROLD H. SWIFT
ORDWAY TEAD

To Every Member of Survey Associates:

On January 1, 1945 for the first time in a decade our
Membership Roster exceeded 2,100 at the turn of the year. In
the course of 1944, members and contributors backed our ad-
venturous program the first six months; stood by in tough
going the second six; and saw us through on December 31.

Beyond all peradventure, our exploratory work in these
critical times hangs on your sustained participation. That has

made possible our service of inquiry and interpreta-
tion in fields of the common welfare and the
tested procedures which give it validity;

made for growth in circulation which in regular
and special numbers wins hearings from 4 to 40
times that of reports and ordinary books dealing
with kindred subject matter.

Without advance pledges in the early months of 1944, it would
have been foolhardy for us to have projected:

American Russian Frontiers Survey Graphic for Feb-
ruary. Ninth in our CALLING AMERICA
series of specials which go back to Munich.

Juvenile Delinquency Survey Midmonthly for
March; with its promptings for concerted action
in our domestic life, now and after the war.

The Call of Our Cities Survey Graphic for April;
with its canvass of possibilities for urban de-
velopment and postwar housing.

These projects gave a shove to record circulation showings by
mid-years which, in turn, gave us momentum to weather a
fall quarter preoccupied with presidential elections. (Off-season
for a non-political venture like ours.)

Gain in Our "Educational Reach"

With result, that we entered 1945 with an overall subscrip-
tion list of 34,000 a gain of 18% over a year ago. During
the twelve months, each of two special numbers reached cir-
culations more than twice that figure:

Graphic special, American Russian Frontiers, long
since in 2nd edition. Combined circulation of
CALLING AMERICA series half a million.

Midmonthly special, American Ploughshares (Au-
gust) , fourth in a series reinforcing annual drives
on which hang fortunes of social agencies, at
home and overseas. Combined circulation a
quarter million.

A Committee of Librarians (Harper's) selects "10 Out-
standing Articles of the Month in American Magazines." In
1944, one out of ten of them was from Survey Graphic:

February Meet the Russian People

March American Postwar Potentials

May Blazing New Legislative Trails

Civilian Internment American Way
June Germans and the German Problem

Trouble at the Grass Roots

July On Being An American

August Allies in Exile

September Labor in Politics

October Screening and Remaking Men

November The Nazis' Last Front

UNRRA On the March
December Big Government

Albert Rhys Williams

Randall S. Williams

Phillips Bradley

Earl G. Harrison

Egon Ranshofen-Wertheimer

Eduard C. Lindeman

Felix Frankfurter

George Soloveytchik

Beulah Amidon

Flanders Dunbar, M.D.

Paul Hagen

Herbert H Lehman

Stuart Chase

To Every Reader of Survey Graphic:

We invite each and all of you to join the fellowship of Sur-
vey Associates in this New Year.

Our Memorandum to Members (in the adjoining column)
will show you how genuinely in 1944 our members helped us
breast the stresses of one war year. Clues, also, to how much
they will mean in making the most of our service to another.

For example, in underpinning the 10th of our CALLING
AMERICA series a Survey Graphic special on THE BRITISH
AND OURSELVES, which current developments make all the
more imperative as our next "adventure in understanding".

A first charge on Survey Midmonthly in the months ahead is
to appraise developments bound up in the fortunes of dis-
charged service men and dislocated war workers.

Our January Graphic carried forward the series on watersheds
as "footholds for revival" (Morris L. Cooke, consultant) and
introduced a new series on the social impact of science, spurred
on by the war (Waldemar Kaempffert, consultant). In this is-
sue, come instalments by two regular contributors hereafter:

Prof. James T. Shotwell, historian of World War I,
chairman of the Commission to Study the Or-
ganization of Peace who will illuminate moves
in liquidating the war and in fabricating security.

Dr. Michael M. Davis, chairman of the Committee on
Research in Medical Economics a lay authority
in fields ranging from medical care to the insur-
ances; editor of our new health department.

The publishing receipts of our periodicals cover their pub-
lishing expenses. They are the "carriers" for that work of
swift research and interpretation which is the prime justification
for our existence as an educational society, and for our in-
vitation to you to become a $10 cooperative member.

If you feel that you, yourself, might share in what we call
our "living endowment", // would give a lift to our spirits in
doing justice to the opportunities which press in upon us month
by month.

Such claims are inveterate and our needs ever so urgent in
these times.

Sincerely,

Editor

For Your Convenience . . .

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc., 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Enroll me as a $10 Cooperating Member of Survey Associates.

D Check enclosed

Name

Expect remittance on

Address

A membership Includes a joint subscription to Survey Graphic
and Survey Midmonthly for the 12 months the membership runs.
We shall be glad to send the balance of your present subscription
to a friend of your choice or to a war camp library.

SURVE\ GRAPHIC for February. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 2. Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Publication Office 34
North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburu. Pa. Editorial and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this Issue 30 cents: $3 a year; Foreim
postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on June 22. 1940 at the post office at East Stroudsbure. I'a., under the Act of March
3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate of postage provided for In Section 1103. Act of October 3, 1917, authorized Dec. 21. 1921. 1'rtoted In U.S.A.

Gun crew officers, in helmets and flash
gear, keep careful watch following an
attack on their carrier. Action took place
in the Southwest Pacific. Officer at right
is relaying observations by telephone.

Ite ******

4 ** ^t o*

J.HE telephone and radio on ships and planes
have made a vast change in naval warfare.

Our Navy has more of these things than any
other navy in the world. The battleship Wis-
consin alone has enough telephones to serve a
city of 10,000.

A great part of this naval equipment comes
from the Western Electric Company, manufac-
turing branch of the Bell System.

That helps to explain why we here at home
are short of telephones and switchboards.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

Among Ourselves

I HERE is A HOLIDAY GREETING WHICH is TIMELY
in February, and through all the shadowed
1 months of war. We are privileged to reprint,
I in part, "Peace on Earth," written for the New
1 School Bulletin of December 25, by Alvin
I Johnson, director of the School, and a member
I of the board of Survey Associates:

"Peace on earth, good will to men. Or
should we read, Peace on earth to men of
if good will? The manuscripts vary, and all of
ij! them are uncertain of interpretation. I prefer
I the former. I, a miserable sinner before the
J Lord, am yet capable of wishing sincerely
ij; peace on earth to men of good will. . . .

"But it was a choir of angels that sang peace
I on earth. I doubt that angels would have sung
I a limited liability prayer. Peace on earth, good
|i| will to men is a sentiment more fitting. It is
| a sentiment of great splendor, and great wis-
lij dom. For there will never be peace on earth
i() for men of good will until there is good will
| for all men, men of all races and colors and
1 creeds; even men sullied with vices and
I gangrened with crime.

"How long, O Lord, how long! Nineteen
I hundred and forty-four years have passed over
I the world; but millions of men are locked in
I deadly strife, men and women and little chil-

I dren are being done wantonly to death by
| men of the seed of wolves and jackals. In

II His own time, we must say.

". . . Each age has its sufficient reason for

I despair. Yet all through the ages the song of

! the angels has sounded, faintly over the clash-

l ing of arms or clearly over the sleeping plains

I and sheltered valleys, Peace on earth, good will

I to men.

"We are nearer to its realization today.

I Slowly but surely the life is being ground out

I of the savage enemies of peace. The racial and

| national bigotry we all entertained in our

i breasts in greater or less measure, has been

I stamped indelibly as potential murder. . . .

I More millions are trying to cast it out than

I ever before. More millions than ever before

I are determined upon a world organization that

I will preclude war. Of itself this will not bring

I the peace of the angels; but it will prepare

I the way for peace."

Co-op Freedom Fund

A FUND TO HELP CONFISCATED, BOMBED, AND

scattered cooperatives in Europe and Asia get
on their feet after the war is being collected
! by the Cooperative League of the USA. Co-ops
proved their worth as instruments of rehabilita-
tion after the last war. UNRRA and private
agencies are committed to using them as dis-
tribution agencies where they exist. The Co-op

In January Survey Midmonthly

Public Welfare Faces the Unknown

by Kathryn Close
The In-Migrant "Menace"

by Jack. Yeaman Bryan
When Pin-Setters Are Children

by Kate Cliigston

Regardless of Race by Kathryn J. Sample

The Blind Are Not Apart

by M. Michael Gtfjner
A State Cancer Program by Alice June Dritz

VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS

Survey Graphic for February 1945

No. 2

Cover: Helicopter, Courtesy Aviation News

James T. Shotwell: Photograph 36

Bridges to the Future JAMES T. SHOTWELL 37

Health Today and Tomorrow MICHAEL M. DAVIS 40

Joe Doakes, Patriot *. MIRIAM ALLEN DEFoRD 43

No. 1 Prison: Photographs 44

On the Calendar of Our Consciences JUSTINE and SHAD POLIER 47

Roads to Alcoholism ABRAHAM MYERSON, M.D. 49

"An Ordinary American" KATHRYN CLOSE 52

Air Age Transportation WILLIAM FIELDING OGBURN 55

Aircraft for Postwar Needs: Photographs 56

Postwar Taxes and Full Employment MABEL NEWCOMER 60

Clean Sweep in Puerto Rico MARJORIE R. CLARK 63

"My Happy Days": Photographs 66

Letters and Life 68

To Be Young, Poor, and Black HARRY HANSEN 68

An Author Replies: A Communication Louis H. PINK 75

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, RALPH HAYES, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED
K. HOEHLER, BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, EDITH MORGAN KING, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER,
AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIEH,
WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL
SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG. .

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field Representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription -
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.

Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription; Year, $10.

Freedom Fund will be used to rebuild shat-
tered warehouses and stores, to return leaders
and employes to their communities, to train
competent new people. The establishment of
the fund was part of the centennial celebration
of Rochdale Day. It was on December 21,
1844, that the first Toad Lane Co-op store
opened for business.

"Sweating It Out"

SOME GI's AREN'T WAITING FOR EDUCATORS AND
community agencies to look after their post-
war adjustment they are briskly tackling that
themselves. Witness "Sweating It Out, a Per-
sonal Bulletin About Private and Not So Pri-
vate Matters" a copy of which recently landed

in our office. The Bulletin, mimeographed on
both sides of a single sheet, is "the pet recrea-
tion" of its editor, Pfc. Jerome E. Klein. The
purpose is to "help get acquainted" with
people on whom Pfc. Klein "hopes to call
later," because "landing a public relations posi-
tion is Number One on my list of postwar
plans." The paper is made up of cheerful bits
about AUS life in France. For example:

"The food here is good when it is delivered
to our kitchen. We do get the best, despite the
efforts of our cooks. The other day, the mess
sergeant had a smile on his face when the men
lined up for chow. 'Dinner's going to be dif-
ferent tonight, boys,' he said, 'I just found out
you add water to these dehydrated foods'."

Blackstone

JAMES T. SHOTWELL
His series "Bridges to the Future" begins now

Through good fortune, the readers of Survey Graphic
will be able, month by month, to see developments in the
tough process of fabricating a new world through his eyes
as chairman of the Commission to Study the Organiza-
tion of Peace. There are few such eyes.

The studies of that voluntary commission over the past
six years have thrown light on issues that are coming
to the fore from Dumbarton Oaks to the farthest of the
seven seas. Moreover, Mr. Shotwell's books, "On the Rim
of the Abyss" (1936), and "What Germany Forgot"
(1940), "The Great Decision" (1944), have stood for
clarity, dependable forecast, and the rare gift of express-
ing the hopes and common sense of humankind in words
that chime in our hearts.

So far as background goes, consider the 150 volumes
making up the economic and social History of World
War I and some 30 volumes exploring Canadian-Ameri-
can relations as crucial to the Western Hemisphere.
Professor Shotwell edited both series as director of the
Division of Economics and History of the Carnegie En-
dowment for International Peace. There is no other

such research authority in fields which have taken on
emergent significance in these critical years.

Bryce Professor of the History of International Rela-
tions, he has been a member of the history department
of Columbia University since 1900. That, in a sense, has
been home base for his activities. In 1917-18, he was a
member of "The Inquiry" the American preparatory
committee for Versailles. In 1918-19, he was chief of the
division of history and member of the International Labor
Legislation Commission at the Peace Conference in Paris.
In 1919, he was American member of the organizing
committee of the International Labor Conference.
* +

Small wonder that medals from half a dozen govern-
ments attest to such services. Or that he has been called
in as a frequent counselor at Washington in the 1940's.

Clues, also, to why an expert in research, an authority
in fields that occupy the stage of wartime public concern,
he welcomes the opportunity to put the quintessence of
his current thinking before a group of readers who not
only, in the old phrase, "mark and learn," but put their
convictions to work as citizens.

URVEV

GRAPHIC

Magazine of
Interpretation

Published by
Survey Associates

Bridges to the Future

Prosecution of victory is one. Fabrication of enduring peace is another. Between them,
and overlapping them, lies the liquidation of the war which (as in Italy and Greece)
calls for drawing "a frontier between emergency action and long term planning."

A plea for mutual understanding in the process
JAMES T. SHOTWELL

THOUGHTFUL PEOPLE MAY BE DIVIDED INTO
two classes. There are those who are so
sure they are right that they are intol-
erant of other people's opinions. And there
are those who try to understand what
other people are thinking, and why they
are thinking that way.

In the long history of politics, the path-
way of progress is blazed by the inde-
pendent thinker, but the great reforms
are never permanent or secure unless they
are supported by the majority of those
whose lives are affected by them. In or-
der to get started these may have to do
what the doctrinaire regards as comprom-
ising with principle. The practical man
keeps reminding us that the best may
often be the enemy of the good. The
idealist, on the other hand, has an equal-
ly strong case against losing sight of fun-
damentals by yielding too much to the in-
terests of the moment.

This is the statement, in general terms,
of the conflict of ideas which seems to be
emerging at the present time between Euro-
peans and Americans concerning the aims
of war and peace. The question which
confronts us is much greater than that of
the war itself.

That is nothing short of the greatest
reform which has ever been attempted
in the history of civilization to eliminate
war as an instrument of national policy.
So far-reaching a change in human af-

fairs is not only a challenge to our think-
ing but to our ways of living as well.
Clearly the fortunes of all mankind will
be affected by it. Therefore, while stem-
ming from the idealists who boldly chal-
lenge the future, the change must have
the support as well of those practically-
minded people who have to work it out
in the everyday world of men and nations.

To the Europeans we seem of all
things doctrinaire, and to us they seem
to be unduly compromising to the point
of turning back to the old system of power
politics which breeds war. On both sides^
there has been recent evidence of a lack
of confidence in the ultimate purposes of
the other. This is not serious enough to
cause concern over our joint war effort,
for the brutal aggression of Germany and
Japan bring the Allies together in self
defense.

But the fact that the misunderstandings
have political or economic, rather than mil-
itary, significance does not lessen the ur-
gent need to get rid of them.

Can We Win the Peace?

Everyone has come to know that the
results of victory in the first World War
were lost in the peace that followed, and
there is universal concern lest this should
happen again. To prevent a repetition of
that calamity, we must start to deal with
the problem now.

There is no better starting point than
the technique of the old masters in di-
plomacy who tried always to put them-
selves in the place of their opponents in
a dispute, so as to understand what were
the real difficulties before them in reach-
ing an agreement. The Europeans need
to know what lies behind our way of
thinking. We need to know the prob-
lems which are uppermost in the minds
of Europeans. If we face the issues hon-
estly upon this basis, we may make prog-
ress.

On the other hand, we can never hope
to make an international organization work
so long as we ignorantly distrust each other
without attempting to understand. Most
people would be ready to accept this dic-
tum to the extent of trying to get the
other person, or the other nation, to un-
derstand our own point of view. That
would only involve our insisting more and
more upon it and arguing more and more
for it. While the method has its advan-
tages, because it tends to clarify our own
thinking, it can never go more than half
way toward international understanding.

The hardest but the most necessary of
all disciplines is to try to see ourselves as
others see us. It can also be rather dis-
concerting.

The chief problems in the international
liquidation of the war are those which
arise from the inescapable responsibilities

of Great Britain, the USSR, and the
United States in their dealings with the
liberated nations. These are responsibili-
ties for which neither the liberators nor
the liberated are wholly ready, owing to
the continued pressure of war needs.

Our own participation is as yet much
less than that of either Great Britain or
Soviet Russia. As we pass judgment upon
what they have done or are doing in south-
ern or eastern Europe, we should keep
in mind the problems with which we our-
selves will be confronted in the time to
come. Within the limits of this article
it is impossible to single out by way of
illustration more than one fraction of this
large field the policies of the British gov-
ernment and our relations to them.

Greece an Example

In my opinion, the present British gov-
ernment has made serious blunders in Italy
and Greece, but we should be making an
equally serious blunder if we allowed these
incidents to destroy our confidence in the
good faith of the British people.

I cannot believe that the nation which
gave us Magna Carta and the Bill of
Rights, and which has served as a model
for the free peoples of the European con-
tinent in representative government, is
ready to endorse a political leadership
which would transform the United Na-
tions into a Holy Alliance and prevent the
growth of free governments throughout
Europe.

Temporary intervention in Greece, for
example, to maintain law and order is a
very different thing from the planned
maintenance of foreign control. We our-
selves have intervened in Latin America
upon more than one occasion, and we
are even now making our wishes known
to Argentina in no uncertain terms.

Such policies do not become permanent
in these nations which cherish the principle
of human freedom as 'the very basis of their
way of life.

The opposition to the Churchill policy
is nonetheless real in British labor and lib-
eral circles because they have not risked
voting against the government in wartime.
They all know that the dangers which
confront Great Britain in a world of an-
archy are only in a degree less serious than
those of war itself. For Great Britain can-
not live without foreign trade, and at the
end of this war more than 70 percent
of that trade will be gone, while British
capacity for output will be lessened by
debt and outworn industrial machinery.

A nation, worn out by years of war
and with two thirds of its houses destroyed
or damaged, is anxious for friends who
understand its problems, and Britain has
been looking to us for that friendship.
This is certainly a good base to work from
in building our policies for the liquidation
period.

But on either side mistakes are being
made which, if continued, may have far-
reaching and ruinous consequences for
both nations. For those in both countries
who regard Churchill's way for saving
Britain as a resort to the old method of

power politics, there is a more sensible
way of dealing with it than simply de-
nouncing it as something we do not be-
lieve in.

That way is by planning economic co-
operation with the British and the other
freedom-loving peoples of the world in or-
der to give them a fair chance to recover
a decent way of life. We should do this
in our own interest fully as much as in
theirs.

For we cannot solve our own problem
of postwar employment if the rest of the
world should be shut off from us by
barbed-wire, economic frontiers as will
certainly be the case if we do not keep
open the two-way street of international
commerce. Foreign trade is not charity,
it is good business; but there cannot be
trade unless customers can afford to buy.
We must offer Britain a chance to rebuild
her export trade and to earn a living.

It would be sheer hypocrisy for us to
preach against political imperialism if we
were to build up an economic imperialism
on the ruins of a wartorn world. The
answer to that would be economic warfare
which might ultimately lead toward another
war. There are tendencies in this coun-
try now toward economic imperialism,
against which we have to be on our guard.
We must not misuse the economic strength
which has made us the most powerful na-
tion in the world. If we do, we shall
pay dearly for our blunders in the years
to come.

The path to follow is that laid down
by Secretary Hull throughout these past
years: international economic cooperation
on fair terms and world markets for our
goods, with equal trading opportunity for
all. The soundest of all policies is that
based upon the interest of the common
man everywhere, who is the consumer as
well as the producer. The goal is a ris-
ing standard of living in America and
throughout the world.

This is but a part of the problem of war
liquidation, but it at least indicates the
need for turning from negative to posi-
tive policies, upon which we may bxiild for
the long future as well.

Four American Trys

Building for the long future still re-
mains the chief interest of the United
States. Our fundamental war aim is the
great reform of the elimination of inter-
national war and we have gone at it in
the very way which might be expected
of us in the light of our past history and
our present situation in the world.

This is our fourth effort at world or-
ganization. The earlier ones were partial
and incomplete, and their failure was not
unexpected by many of us. This time
Americans are in earnest, having learned
by experience.

A glance at past history is essential. First
of all, there were the Hague Conferences
on disarmament, of 1899 and 1907, which
became peace conferences, in a limited way,
on our insistence. True to the traditions
of a federal republic in which the states
and the central government are held to-

gether under a constitutional framework
with a Supreme Court to adjust differences
and guarantee human rights, we sought to
buttress international law by courts, by
judicial settlement of international disputes.
Subsequent history, however, showed that,
valid as it is within definite frontiers, the
judicial settlement of disputes is not a sub-
stitute for war. And our own insistence
upon sovereignty proved to be one of the
strongest obstacles in the development of
this judicial method of ours for interna-
tional organization.

Second, after World War I we imposed
upon the world the splendid architecture
of the League of Nations and then left
it weakened and partly untenanted because
of our own unwillingness to accept the
obligation of peace enforcement as set forth
in the Covenant.

Third, we tried to turn this failure into
a merit by insisting that the Briand-Kel-
logg Pact for the Renunciation of War
should have only moral opinion behind
it, until that far-off day when international
law would be respected by "the public
opinion of mankind."

To other nations, and to many Ameri-
cans as well, this history of frustration has
been a poor introduction to any fourth
try in planning for world peace at the
end of this second World War. But it
also made Secretary Hull's great gesture
at the Moscow Conference of October,
1943, all the more dramatic. And then
came the Moscow Conference, followed a
year later by that of Dumbarton Oaks.

The American Way

Even so, doubts as to America's final
attitude toward the creation of an interna-
tional organization to maintain peace still
lingered, especially in the minds of Euro-
pean observers. They were, therefore, not
a little surprised at the apparent strength
of the movement which developed in the
United States in support of the Organiza-
tion which was to take the place of the
old League of Nations, a movement in
which both political parties participated.

The Europeans have failed to appreciate
that the attitude of the American people
toward the Dumbarton Oaks Agreement is
wholly in line with our way of approach-
ing vast political problems.

Traditionally, Americans first assert, and
then attempt to establish, the great prin-
ciples of human conduct in the confidence
that the details can be taken care of if the
principles are right. If, later on, we some-
times fail to live up to these principles, or
to insure their effective embodiment in in-
stitutions, we are nevertheless insistent
upon proceeding as architects or engineers
so as to have a structure ready and wait-
ing for mankind to enter.

In domestic affairs, the emphasis which
we place upon the Constitution is a case
in point. We make it work not only by
insisting upon the legal framework, but
also by insisting upon the sphere of free-
dom for the individual which is safeguard-
ed by the courts from government inter-
ference. Somehow, we make it work.

As an American, I am bound to share in

SURVEY GRAPHIC

this habit of mind and to be proudly aware
of the boldness in design and the sig-
nificance in imaginative conception which
we have contributed to the structure of
international peace. But, at the same time,
the sobering history of past failures to
make good the promises which we have
given the world leads me to pause and
reflect that in part our failure is due to a
too great insistence upon having our own
way, and in part to unwillingness to learn
the reasons why other people think dif-
ferently.

Perhaps the most helpful contribution
we could make, therefore, at this junc-
ture is to try to see just what is in the
mind of other nations with reference to
these plans for permanent peace, and why
there should be variance of opinion or of
planning among peoples who are equally
anxious to safeguard it. For we may find
to our surprise that those who seem to be
turning aside or holding back from the
great enterprise on which we have be-
gun, do so not because of any fundamental
difference of opinion or lack of anxious
hope for peace and security, but for two
reasons which we must try to understand
if we and the other nations are ever
going to make a world organization work.

Stumbling Blocks

The first impediment to understanding
has already been indicated. It is the un-
certainty in the minds of other peoples
as to how far they can count upon our
remaining steadfast of purpose in the years
to come. This is a matter which cannot
be settled by formal guarantees, for no
one can predict what may happen to us
or to the rest of the world in so rapidly
changing an era. Yet if we do not get
started we shall never have any organi-
zation at all; and unless other nations have
some confidence in our good faith and po-
litical stability, the starting may never take
place. Every great political creation is
an act of faith.

The tragic lesson of the second World
War has been learned by the American
people fully as much as by any other na-
tion. Indeed, to judge by public utter-
ances abroad, we seem to have learned
that lesson somewhat more definitely and
clearly than in the case of Europeans.
There are not many Americans now who
are willing to accept the age-old maxim
that war can be permitted to be the final
argument of nations. The belief that war
is an international crime is, and always
will remain, an American orthodoxy.

Therefore, America's stability of purpose
can be counted upon so long as we are
convinced that the international arrange-
ments to maintain peace will really work
and that our purpose is not being betrayed
by others.

The second impediment to international
understanding at the present time is due
to the fact that the nations which have
been most directly in the path of the war
have other urgent things that must be
done before they are in a position to enter
fully into the long range planning of the
postwar world. The conflagration of this

war has left ruins far beyond anything
we can imagine viewing it from across
the wide, if narrowing, seas. Not only
has the war destroyed city and country-
side, to a degree unknown since the days
of Attila or Tamerlane, but it has burned
up the souls of men as well. Years lived
under brutal tyranny, in which millions
have been enslaved, have devastated the
moral bases of society and made faith in
a world order of justice and peace seem
like a mirage.

Yet there are millions of sturdy souls
who have survived the ordeal and whose
immediate problem is to restore the sim-
ple, homely activities of daily life. They
have to regain faith in the honesty and
friendship of their next-door neighbors be-
fore they can give undivided attention to
neighboring nations. They have to clear
the ground of the ruins which lie around
them before they can rebuild their homes;
they have to mark out their garden plots
obliterated by the march of armies; and
they have to see to it that law and order
are restored, making headway against the
danger of anarchy due to the lawlessness
ot years of war. It takes time for the
restored governments to become reliable
safeguards of settled life. In the interval,
factional and civic strife is almost inevit-
able.

For these people, the contributions of
UNRRA are not enough. They want the
assurance not only of settled order at
home but of guarantees against aggres-
sion during the period of postwar adjust-
ments. Until these steps are taken, they
are not yet ready to give undivided atten-
tion to long term planning.

To them our interest in a universal or-
ganization for peace and security seems
something like rebuilding a cathedral be-
fore they have homes to live in again
along the city streets. This does not mean
that they have no interest in the archi-
tecture of the structure of peace, for it
will ultimately mean more to them than to
anyone else. But they and their neigh-
bors have old-time quarrels which come to
the fore in situations like these, and will
not yield to mere preaching by those who
do not fully appreciate what is at stake.

Clearing the Air

While this is an over-simplification of
the divergence in interests of Europeans
and Americans in the peace settlement,
it may at least help to clarify oar differ-
ences in approach and so open paths for
real solutions. No fair-minded American
will deny that the European nations which
have suffered most from the second World
War are even more anxious than we are
to avoid a third one. No fair-minded
European can deny the practical bent of
the American mind in the problems of re-
construction.

It is true that militarism has been a
European disease in which innocent na-
tions have been involved along with the
guilty. But that contagion is now burn-
ing itself out, and the chief germ carriers,
the Axis powers, are certain to be ren-
dered harmless for some time to come.

Only when this happens will the inherent
strength of the forces for peace in Eu-
rope have a chance at genuine expression,
and we can certainly count upon it that
they will express themselves in terms simi-
lar to our own.

It is equally clear that Americans will
not confine their future interests in peace
to dogmatic institutionalizing, but will co-
operate wherever possible to restore and
vitalize the life of free nations.

The problem, therefore, which concerns
both the Old World and the New is to
draw the frontier between emergency ac-
tion and long term planning. This fron-
tier, however, is not a clear-cut line but
covers the whole wide area of the liquida-
tion of the war an area varying in extent
and in time according to the circumstances
of each nation, but everywhere presenting
problems which each in its own way feels
cannot be left for solution to the normal
processes of peacetime political life.

For total war does not end by trum-
pets blowing the order to cease fire on
the field of battle. Few people are so
naive as to believe that a fully panoplied
peace will suddenly take command of a
world that has suffered so much and so
long from force and violence.

The liquidation of the war will there-
fore take place in many different ways.
Some of it will be by mob action or in-
dividual revenge, without the consent of
any government. Some of it will be by
communities acting on their own with lit-
tle regard for the admonitions addressed
to them by governments which have been
in exile throughout most of the conflict.
Some of it will be by these governments
without waiting for, or thinking of, the
opinion of the outside world mere in-
stinctive reaction to the terrible circum-
stances of the hour. Much of it, however,
will be by responsible governments aware
of their responsibility not only to their
citizens but to the community of nations
as a whole.

The Call for a Positive Policy

Now while this process is going on
and it will go on because that is the in-
evitable consequence of the greatest crime
in history what are we to do about it?
The United States will have its political
capacity and maturity tested as never be-
fore. How can we keep an even course
toward our ultimate goal of a lasting peace
with freedom?

Clearly, this calls for a positive policy
on our part with reference to war liqui-
dation not merely one of fault finding
from a safe distance. We can be helpful
only insofar as other nations will recog-
nize that our concern is friendly and not
based upon a fundamental distrust of them.
To the extent that we distrust them, they
will distrust us.

This does not mean that we should be
the ready dupes of scheming reactionaries,
but it does mean making the effort, first
of all, to understand why other nations
act in the way they do, and not to pre-
judge what they are doing until we really
know the reason why.

FEBRUARY 1945

HEALTH-

Today and Tomorrow

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

SLOGANS COME TO MEMORY THAT GO BACK
to early developments in American health
and social work. In contrast, slogans that
strike eye and ear today bring sharper and
broader issues to mind. Take this sequence
over the years:

Wipe out tuberculosis. Buy Christmas
Seals.

Does the grandfather who sneered at
asepsis have a grandson who scoffs at medi-
cal social service? Plug for it, doctor I

All the nation's future's mended //
mothers and babies are well tended. Put
the Children's Charter to wor\.

Healthy minds ma\e peaceful nations.
Boost mental hygiene in words of two
syllables.

In causes of death, hearts are trumps.
Play the winning cards: Research, Educa-
tion and Care.

Cancer falls more Americans than Hitler.
Fight cancer with bullets of knowledge.

Public health is purchasable. Buy an up-
to-date health department for everybody
everywhere.

Good medical care should be available to
everyone according to need and regardless
of ability to pay. Let's legislate national
health insurance.

All these slogans are still very much alive
but, one might say, the later the live-r. The
younger the hotter. There is a change in
political climate as well as a lapse in years
between "Fight Tuberculosis" and "Health
Security"; between Dr. Herman M. Biggs'
"Public Health Is Purchasable" and Presi-
dent Roosevelt's "Adequate Medical Care
... a Basic Human Right." In the per-
spective of today, a health department in
Survey Graphic must keep its sights on the
focal issue, which is to extend medical care
without, however, neglecting the outer
circles of the limelight. Moreover technical
interpretation must be infused with the shot-
in-the-arm that brings muscles into action.

The Thirties

A dozen years ago, the American Medical
Association fought a delaying action against
Blue Cross hospital insurance plans as a
dangerous change from the status quo; now
the AMA rallies to them as a bulwark
against presently feared changes. By the
late Thirties, the threat of public action
springing from the National Health Con-
ference (called at Washington by the Inter-
departmental Committee) stimulated some
state medical societies to a positive policy.
Health insurance plans have been set going
since by about twenty of them; but these
mostly limit themselves to surgery and

obstetrics for hospitalized cases and have in
most instances acquired only a handful of
subscribers.

Voluntary health insurance as responsibly
proposed by the Committee on the Costs of
Medical Care was "socialism and commun-
ism" according to Dr. Morris Fishbein in
1932. In the climate of today, voluntary
health insurance is the official AMA way of
salvation, blessed by the same high priest
so long as it is under "medical control"
and so long as it follows the traditional
form of individual practice. Meanwhile,
voluntary health insurance with group
medical practice, dramatized for the nation
in Henry J. Kaiser's great war plants on
the West Coast, offers complete medical
care, and follows a pattern which has been
successful in other industries and a few
cooperative ventures, but which is still op-
posed by "organized medicine."

The Forties

With the Forties, the progressive front
has advanced and widened. 1944 saw liberal
physicians aligning their professional
knowledge with the political weight of
organized labor. 1945 is seeing a revised
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill in Congress,
going beyond the earlier draft in provisions
to promote the quality of medical care,
assist research, advance hospitalization and
health services in rural areas, and make
decentralized administration more explicit.

In 1944, the Health Program Conference
of physicians and laymen issued its report
on these matters. [Survey Graphic, Decem-
ber 1944, page 491.] In that same year the
American Public Health Association
adopted a progressive national Medical Care
Program. [American Journal of Public
Health, December 1944, page 1252.] When
an editorial in the fournal of the American
Medical Association [October 14, 1944,
page 434] testily called the Public Health
Association to account for not consulting
the national medical body before expressing
views upon a medical question, the public
health leaders held their ground, though
they were too polite to retort: "Yes, many
of us are physicians, but we are also
citizens."

1944 witnessed an aggressive move by
organized medicine on another positive
policy. The National Physicians' Com-
mittee, the propaganda arm of the Amer-
ican Medical Association, came out for
health insurance run by private insurance
companies, and staged two lush meetings
at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York to
hold out bait to the insurance companies
of a half-billion dollars or so of new busi-
ness and to industry of "better labor re-

Barney Stein
MICHAEL M. DAVIS, Associate Editor

The chairman of the Committee on Re-
search in Medical Economics will, from
now on, write regularly for Survey Graphic
in these times

when Health has become a prime factor
in war and postwar developments;
when conservation of the armed forces
has become part of modern strategy,
spurring both scientific discovery and
advances in preventive and curative
medicine;

when selective service examinations
again have dramatized the extent of
uncared for disease and defect;
when physical and mental rehabilita-
tion of discharged servicemen and war
workers is a mounting charge on the
medical professions, on educators and
social workers, industries and com-
munities; and

when, as pointed out in this initial can-
vass, the Extension of Medical Care
has become a focal issue in public
concern.

Thoroughly conversant in these fields.
Dr. "Davis is a ranking lay consultant on
the organization of medical care.

As director for medical services of the
Julius Rosenwald Fund, he was one of the
initiators in the late '20s of the Com-
mittee on the Costs of Medical Care which,
under the chairmanship of Dr. Ray Lyman
Wilbur (then Secretary of the Interior in
the Hoover Administration), canvassed the
whole terrain.

His most recent contribution was as
chairman of the Health Program Confer-
ence, made up of physicians and lay ex-
perts, which has presented "Principles of a
Nation-Wide Health Program." These he
interpreted in Survey Graphic for Decem-
ber.

Our association with him, however, goes
back to 1927-28, when we brought out a
series of articles in which he broke original
ground as director of the Committee on
Dispensary Development, New York.

His monthly department will review
events and point up issues as he sees them,
whether embedded in old mind-sets and
time worn neglect or revealed in plans for
voluntary agencies and proposals for legis-
lation. More, it will be his province, in
collaboration with the staff of Survey
Associates, to develop for new times our
coverage of Health Today and Tomorrow.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

lations" (especially less unionism). The
meetings were just as frank as that.

In 1944, the committee seems to have
raised about $300,000, about half from
physicians and medical organizations, the
remainder mostly from the drug business. It
now appeals for $500,000 a year for three
years for its double-barreled campaign to
push its favored brands of health insurance
on the one side, and on the other side to
fight the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill with
such slogans as

"Political Medicine"

"The Socialization of Medical Practice in
the United States."

Thus has this issue of the 1940's been
shrewdly misconstrued in fifteen million
copies of one pamphlet, in weekly releases
to 12,000 publications, in uncounted meet-
ings and broadcasts, and in the well-im-
pelled personal propaganda of individual
physicians to their patients and their con-
gressmen. So far, this campaign proceeds
without blushing or concealment.

California As a Test Tube

"I am a student nurse," said a letter
coming to me the first working day of
1945, "and in my social problem class, I
was asked to find out the present status
of socialized medicine. Please tell me what
it is."

An answer to this maiden's prayer came
on the same date a December 29 copy of
the San Francisco News, headlined across
the front page:

"Gov. WARREN ASKS COMPULSORY

HEALTH PLAN."

"I am not for socialized medicine," the
governor declared, "where doctors are put
on the public payrolls and care is paid for
from government funds. I don't believe in
that system. ... I do want to spread the
costs of medical care by compulsory con-
tributions of workers and industry, both
of whom would be beneficiaries."

During the past six months I have been
asked at least a dozen times to debate
"socialized medicine." Most often the re-
quests are from a woman's club or a student
society that is as naive on the subject as
the young nurse and her "social problem"
teacher. Sometimes the invitation is from
a group that would like to put the liberal
side into a false position. Governor Warren
defines socialized medicine for what it is
an issue of no importance in the United
States because, like sin in Calvin Coolidge's
philosophy, everybody's against it. To those
who see pink in any fresh green landscape
and who find facts difficult weapons,
"socialized medicine" is a useful bludgeon,
knobbed with epithets and stuffed with
emotion.

Why does the Republican governor of
California corne out now for compulsory
health insurance, about which the American
Medical Association continues to say hard
words?

For the past twenty years and more, this
state of contrasts and surprises has had
fuller experience than any state with varied
plans of voluntary health insurance, and
has had plenty of controversy to dramatize
them. In California as elsewhere, it is likely

that for every member a voluntary health
insurance plan enrolls, at least one or two
converts are made for the idea of health
insurance in general converts who can't
or won't join the voluntary plan. Com-
pulsory health insurance bills have been
hardy perennials in the California legisla-
ture, blossoming every few years but thus
far always nipped before fruiting by the
California Medical Association and its allies.
Four years ago this state medical society
set up the California Physicians Service, a
non-profit, wholly owned subsidiary which
has enrolled about one percent of the popu-
lation of the state for very limited medical
and surgical services. Also, through a restive
partnership with government, it has en-
rolled a lately decreasing number in some
war housing projects. Last winter a public
opinion poll, sponsored by the state society,
found (in the words of its official reporter):

-"that 50 percent of the citizens (of
California) are definitely in favor of federal
medicine;

-"that 34 percent are against it; and
"that 16 percent haven't as yet made
up their minds."

Organized labor makes its first choice a
national plan, but will push a state plan if
Congress delays. Shocked by its own survey,
the embattled California doctors put forth
a conference committee, meeting with labor,
in the attempt to work out a mutually
acceptable plan. What would be acceptable
to the Society? If compulsory health in-
surance has to be, let it be a plan which the
doctors would run through their California
Physicians Service. The price of medical
acquiescence in "compulsion" would be
medical control over administration.

A meeting of the Society's House of
Delegates on January 5 condemned com-
pulsory health insurance. But the governor
had already spoken.

However, it may be inferred that Gov-
ernor Warren saw an opportunity to make
political capital by coming out earlier for
a public measure which will certainly have
large popular support. Labor will be behind
it in principle, and the medical society
will doubtless work with Governor War-
ren on the details of a bill. Meanwhile,
labor is introducing its own bill. So the
pot will boil!

Other states, and especially New York,
present suggestive though as yet obscured
parallels. In New York, organized labor
is politically influential and wants com-
pulsory health insurance. The state medical
society is well organized, well financed,
fearful, shrewdly led, and in every way but
in official commitment supported Governor
Dewey and fought Roosevelt and Senator
Wagner in the last election. The governor
has appointed a State Medical Care Com-
mission having a broad mandate and due
to report in 1946. In that year, the governor
and most of the legislature will face a state
election. By 1945, assuming no national
health program supervenes, it remains to
be seen what medical-labor-political align-
ments in New York will give most to
whom.

California's experience especially supports
n generalization based on much other evi-

dence. Ihe policy ot the medical
that have been active in medical-economic
matters, has developed in three stages. Flat
opposition has been the first. Delaying
action is the second. The third stage is
represented by the well-tested American
adage, "If you can't lick 'em, join "em."
The third stage is infiltration into admin-
istration.

In national affairs, as well as in Cali-
fornia, the signs are already up that the
third stage is upon us. There is reason to
believe that many physicians disapprove
policies of obstruction, delay, and intrigue.
In the past, few have expressed themselves
openly, but the Physicians Forum and the
Committee of Physicians for the Improve-
ment of Medical Care have shown the way.

Wartime Needs and Moves

The triumphs of military medicine in
this war, with unprecedented records of con-
trolling disease and rehabilitating the
wounded, have made as profound an im-
pression on the public mind, on the one
side, as the rejection of over four million
young men for diseases and defects has
made on the other. It is anybody's guess
what effect these experiences will have upon
popular and particularly veterans' atti-
tudes toward medical care in postwar years.

The critical shortage of doctors in many
war areas and the sharp increase in the
long standing rural shortage, have found
us as yet unready to take effective action.
Any considerable action would be difficult
anyway until medical demobilization from
the armed forces begins. Unless plans are
ready for attracting doctors to the places
that need them at that time, most of the
young doctors will seek opportunity in the
cities which already have the largest ratio
of physicians in proportion to population.

Wartime has witnessed an "efficiency
reorganization" of the U. S. Public Health
Service which should help it carry growing
responsibilities. A major forward step was
the formation of a Tuberculosis Division
within the Service, with money enough to
help states and localities establish needed
sanatoria and other services. The National
Tuberculosis Association and its branches
supported this bill in Congress. As the
national program gets into action, the vol-
untary tuberculosis agencies will need to
adjust their own educational and service
programs to it.

During 1945 it is estimated that about a
half million wives and babies of enlisted
men will be cared for under the national
"Emergency Maternity and Infant Care
Program." The Children's Bureau of the
U. S. Department of Labor, which ad-
ministers it, has weathered a series of medi-
cal attacks and held congressional support.

A vast expansion of medical care and
rehabilitation for servicemen is certainly
ahead, throwing responsibilities upon the
Veterans Administrations' hospitals and
clinics such as will justify every effort to
test and improve the quality of these serv-
ices. A national program of physical re-
habilitation of handicapped civilians has
been started, with federal grants to state
agencies. Medical rehabilitation of 4-F's at
national expense may be undertaken if the

FEBRUARY 1945

war and the manpower shortage last long
enough. The extreme shortage of psychi-
atrists and psychiatric social workers for
military and civilian service has been
brought out by experts, but has not yet
been translated into terms appreciable by
the general public.

The Blue Cross hospital insurance plans
have reached their year of largest growth
over three million additional members in
1944 bringing their total in the United
States to over sixteen million beneficiaries.
Sharing the fears of the medical societies
as to encroachment by government action.
Blue Cross seeks further expansion more
militantly than ever.

The American Hospital Association
sponsors Blue Cross, opposes compulsory
insurance by government action, but would
like government funds (local, state, and
federal) to pay hospitals for the care of
indigent persons. The association has set
up a national Commission on Hospital
Care, an independent body with funds from
several foundations, which is now begin-
ning a two-year study of hospital needs and
ways of meeting them throughout the
United States. This year the association
sponsors a bill in Congress to aid local
areas, through the states, to construct or
improve hospitals after careful state studies
have determined the places of need. Thus
the hospital bodies are now furthering sev-
eral positive programs of both voluntary
and governmental action.

Across the Atlantic and Back

Overseas, Great Britain moves with de-
liberation and assurance toward a National
Health Service. "Our policy," declared
Winston Churchill almost a year ago, "is
to create a National Health Service in order
to ensure that everybody in the country,
irrespective of means, age, sex or occupa-
tion, shall have equal opportunities to bene-
fit from the best and most up-to-date
medical and allied services available."

The objections raised at the British
Medical Association's meeting in December
to the Government's White Paper are less
to principles than to methods of administra-
tion and are to be interpreted, in large part,
as preparing the best bargaining position
in forthcoming negotiations with the gov-
ernment.

A not inconsiderable section of British
medical men favor a completely salaried
state service. This minority is vocal because,
unlike the Journal of the American Medical
Association, the British Medical Journal
opens its columns to dissenting views and
every week publishes opinions of all shades.
The contrasting practice in the United
States has been criticized by Dr. Allen
Butler of Harvard Medical School in these
words:

"... the societies representing so-called
organized medicine permit the public ex-
pression of no minority opinion. The
majority opinion is considered the unani-
mous opinion. Unfortunately this restriction
of minority opinion inhibits considered dis-
cussion and the development of sound
progressive thought."

On this side of the Atlantic, Canada's
national health insurance bill, introduced
by the government and approved in prin-
ciple by the Canadian Medical Association,
was reported out of committee last fall after
elaborate hearings. Delay in action is likely
because of war conditions. Meanwhile, sev-
eral of the provinces are working on their
own bills. In Canada, compulsory health
insurance is not called socialized medicine.
The differences of opinion about the bill
are not basic political cleavages as with us,
but concern such matters as coverage, ad-
ministration, the amount and allocation of
costs.

Perhaps it is because of exposure to the
Gulf Stream of progressive British influence
that our northern neighbor has a more
temperate medical climate than ours.

Here in the USA

What way of getting and paying for
medical care do the American people want?
Public opinion polls are beginning to probe
the question. Such a poll by the National
Opinion Research Center of Denver, publi-
cized last October, told us:

that 68 percent of the people "think it
would be a good idea for social security to
cover doctor and hospital care"; and

that "58 percent still think it a good idea
if 2 l / 2 percent were taken out of people's
pay checks instead of the present one per-
cent."

In contrast, the National Physicians' Com-
mittee's own poll, six months earlier, came
out with nearly opposite findings and a
mass of prejudicial questions and comment.
But the California poll tends to support
that of the Denver agency, as did much
earlier polls by Fortune and others. Several
state medical societies now have polls in
progress. Thus far, we have learned that at
least with a subject as complex, technical,
and emotionalized as medical care, the way
you bait your questions has a lot to do with
the kind of fish you catch.

One story the polls surely tell: The issues
of medical care have become public issues.
In the past twenty years they have moved
from the library to the committee room,
from the committee room to the forum,
from the forum to legislative chambers. On
all these levels today, in all sorts of private
and public agencies all over the land, action
is taking place, experience accumulating,
patterns evolving.

As to prognosis, it may be that the acts
and expressions of experienced public men,
whose political fortunes are at stake, will
supply a better index than polls as to the
trend of populer sentiment and the balance
of conflicting forces. Watch California, New
York, and the two focal points on Pennsyl-
vania Avenue in the Nation's Capital.

THESE PUBLIC ENEMIES

MEAN BUSINESS!.'

VENEREAL PISEASES
STRIKE RUTHLESSLY
-KILL ANP INJURE
THOU SAN PS EACH YEAR.

HELP STAMP OUT THESE
HOME-FKOHTEHfMISl

.. .VISIT YOUR DOCTOR OR
NEAREST HEALTH CENTER FOR
LITER ATURE I N FORMATION.

New York City Department of Health poster, the first on venereal diseases to be accepted for
use in the city's street cars and buses. A familiar comic strip figure conveys the message

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Volunteers, working in two shifts, got seven and a half million ration books to California citizens in record time

Joe Doakes, Patriot

He is 4-F because he made a mistake. Just the same, behind bars at San
Quentin he is fighting his country's battles with everything he's got.

IT ISN'T HIS REAL NAME, OF COURSE. HE Dis-
graced that, long ago, and he is only a
number now, one of some 3,500 inmates
of the overcrowded California State Prison
at San Quentin.

But Joe Doakes is something else besides
a burglar, a pickpocket, a confidence man,
or what have you in the criminal line. He
is also an American. He can't get out and
fight. He earns practically nothing. Yet here
is just a part of what he and the others in
this prison have done since Pearl Harbor:

Woven by hand, with speed and com-
petency far ahead of civilian units, hun-
dreds of huge anti-submarine nets; braided
scores of rope ship fenders, a highly skilled
process; reconditioned and assembled
flanges, valves, and other machinery for
naval vessels; manufactured thousands of
mattress covers and pillow cases for the
army and navy; reclaimed hundreds of
tons of rubber and metal covered copper
wire and cable salvaged from damaged
warships; produced thousands of steel com-
partment feeding trays for the navy; trim-
med thirty Christmas trees for Hamilton
Field General Hospital; made hundreds of
model planes for pre-flight training of army
and navy pilots; produced a multitude of
splints, stretchers, and other supplies for
the Red Cross. In all, they have manufac-
tured war materials to the value of $2,550,-
000. Thirty inmates have received National
Service Emblems from the government.
The WPB has named San Quentin as the
No. 1 prison in volume of war production.

There are stories attached to some of

MIRIAM ALLEN deFORD

these activities. For example: the jute mill,
which used to make burlap grain bags for
farmers, was considered a hell-hole by the
men. All "fish" newcomers had to serve
at least a year in it- hard work, noisy ma-
chines, air full of lint. It was a great day
when a man was transferred to another
shop, a punishment to be sent back. But
when the WPB allowed the prison to take
on a contract for rovings and string to be
made into rope for war use, and an appeal
was made for 400 men to volunteer to
man the jute mill to capacity, 600 asked
to be assigned to this toughest spot in the
prison.

Hundreds of men have been paroled to
shipyards and other war industries and to
the merchant marine, sailing into combat
zones. Hundreds more are now training at
San Quentin in welding, shipfitting, marine
electrical installation, and marine cooking
and baking, to prepare them for war work
after parole. Recently, by an arrangement
with the International Association of Ma-

By a well known journalist and author,
a former Philadelphian who for some
years has made her home in San Fran-
cisco. Miss deFord (in private life Mrs.
Maynard Shipley) contributes articles,
stories, and verse to current magazines,
and is the author of several books, in-
cluding "They Were San Franciscans,"
a volume of biographical sketches, and
"Who Was When? A Dictionary of
Contemporaries."

chinists (AFL), men trained as machinists
for war plants will be paroled or released
as full-fledged journeymen.

Five hundred men helped harvest Cali-
fornia's vital food crops in 1943; 350 more
fought forest fires at risk of their lives. This
past year on urgent request of farmers
and forest wardens both harvest and for-
estry camps were reopened and again fully
manned. Many of these men had never
left the prison since they entered it, years
before, and escape would have been easy
but no one tried to escape. Once an emer-
gency call came at night. A hundred men
volunteered to go 300 miles by bus to fight
a raging forest fire.

Every Literate Man Pitches In

The most spectacular job Joe Doakes
and his fellow-inmates have done thus far
was putting out War Radon Book No. 3
to every citizen of California.

Seven and a half million ration books,
worth $2,400,000,000, came to San Quentin
under armed guard, with a motorcycle po-
lice escort. There they were turned over to
convicted forgers, thieves, and highway
robbers. The OPA had allowed 3 percent
for errors; the errors made were exactly
1/2,000 of one percent. Once a single book
was mislaid. The men worked all night
until it was found, wrongly filed.

The OPA allowed 58 days for the job. It

took just 43. An inmate director and his

inmate assistant worked out an entirely new

way of handling the job, and proved it

(Continued on page 46)

FEBRUARY 1945

Making bunks for the navy

Weaving huge anti-submarine nets

Building assault boats for the armed forces

How San Quentin earned the title of
No. 1 prison in volume of war pro-
duction and turned out essential ma-
terials valued at 2,550,000.

Printing emergency signs

Braiding rope fenders for ships

far superior to the one the OPA had estab-
lished. No wonder the OPA cited them.

Practically every literate man in San
Quentin was used on this giant unpaid
task every one a volunteer. In many cases
men worked a day shift on the ration books
and then volunteered to do a swing shift
also. The inmate workers in the prison
offices, trained office workers, volunteered
for work on the night shift, carrying on
their regular jobs all day then working on
the radon books from 6 P.M. to midnight.
The end result was a record for the entire
country.

One human interest story that came out
of the ration book servicing is too remark-
able not to be told. Here it is in the words
of the prisoners' own paper.

"A man on a prolonged drunken spree
found, when he finally became sober, that
his wife and two children had left him
and he was in jail for cashing worthless
checks. Sentenced to prison, the first year
dragged by. He was unable to locate his
family finally gave up trying.

"When the OPA ration book project
began here, he was one of the first to vol-
unteer. He worked faithfully, and for long
hours, each day. He had been working
over a month, when, one day, on top of a
pile of applications on his table was an
envelope addressed in familiar handwrit-
ing. He stared, unbelieving then tore open
the envelope.

"The signature on the application was
that of his wife; the dependents' names,
those of his children.

"He wrote to his wife, begged forgive-
ness. It was given. Today he is a parolee,
reunited with his loved ones, making good."

The Best They Can Do

Up to date, Joe and the rest of the San
Quentin men have bought more than $525,-
000 worth of war bonds and stamps. In
every drive they have doubled the quota
set for them. Only the men in the camps
earn money, and all they get is 50 cents a
day above living expenses. All the money
men within the prison walls have is from
the sale of small objects through their
Hobby Shop, or what is sent them by rela-
tives or friends to buy tobacco, candy, and
such small luxuries.

Those who cannot buy bonds or stamps
pledge a pint of blood to the mobile unit
of the Red Cross Blood Bank which visits
the prison regularly. Here is the pledge
form they use:
"A Wounded Soldier
Any Front
Dear Soldier:

Separately, in care of the American Red
Cross, I am sending you a pint of my blood.

I would like to be fighting beside you,
but I am a 4-F so this is the best I can do
for you.

The 4-F is because I made a mistake, but
my mind and body are sound and my heart
and blood are definitely 1-A.

I hope you will be able to come home
soon home to all of us who admire and
respect you.

Until then, I'll send you my blood every
time I have a chance.

Name No. "

Up to the time of writing, some 1,500
inmates have given nearly 3,000 pints of
blood. Many of them donate regularly every
eight weeks. Several men already belong
to the "gallon club" eight pints. The Red
Cross has awarded San Quentin a certificate
of appreciation.

Besides war bonds and stamps, San
Quentin men paid for 260,000 cigarettes in
the "Smokes for the Yanks" drive paid,
in most cases, by going without cigarettes
themselves. They bought a station wagon
for the San Rafael Chapter of the Red
Cross and they subscribed nearly $600 to
the last March of Dimes. "Give up seven
ice cream bars, or two jars of peanut butter,
or a couple of packs of cigs," pleaded the
prison paper, The San Quentin News. So
they did.

Men who had no relatives to name as
beneficiaries on bonds, for the most part

Warden Duffy, whom prisoners applaud

named the Army and Navy Relief Society
or the Shriners' Hospital for Crippled Chil-
dren. Several named Alcoholics Anony-
mous, which has a flourishing branch at
San Quentin. A Chinese inmate chose Mme.
Chiang Kai-shek. Jim, who is serving a
lot of time for multiple bigamy, bought
four $25 bonds, and named a different
wife as beneficiary of each!

But the pay-off in bond beneficiaries may
be credited to Charles, who is in San Quen-
tin because he passed a $50 rubber check
on a Los Angeles barkeep. Came the war
and this same saloonkeeper found him-
self convicted of subversive activities, given
a stiff prison sentence, and ordered to be
deported to his native Germany after the
war. So Charles decided to repay his debt.
He bought a $50 bond and sent it to the
seditionist, with an accompanying note:
"When you arrive in Berlin there will be
plenty of Americans there who will gladly
cash this for you."

One elderly inmate, an Italian by birth,
put his entire life's savings of $4,500 into
war bonds; and it was honest money,
earned by hard work before he went wrong.
He has two sons in the service, one per-
manently injured at Pearl Harbor. Many
of these men who have bought bonds to
the limit of their capacity, who are work-

ing their heads off on camouflage nets or
assault boats or rope cargo slings, who
respond instantly to every appeal for vol-
unteers for the hardest, dirtiest, most dan-
gerous tasks, have sons or brothers now
serving overseas.

But even those who have not, know bet-
ter than most men what freedom means.
They are eager to work for it, to have a
chance to fight and die for it. They may
not always have been good citizens. But
today they are good Americans.

Changing "the Joint"

One man has changed San Quentin from
one of the worst prisons in America to
one of the very best. He is the warden,
Clinton T. Duffy. Mr. Duffy is the son of
a prison guard, brought up in San Quentin
and familiar with it from childhood. The
men feel sincerely that he is their friend;
recently, when he returned from a session
of the National Prison Congress, there was
spontaneous applause when he appeared in
the yard. His weekly column in the well-
edited prison paper, The San Quentin News,
is a model of man-to-man frankness and
fairness. Under his administration, the
whole spirit of the prison has altered.

Here is a sample: A Negro boy, sudden-
ly taken ill, collapsed in the line of in-
mates waiting in heavy rain to go to the
mess hall. Instantly the man next him, a
total stranger, whipped off his raincoat and
threw it over the boy until he was taken
to the hospital. An old timer, watching the
scene, said to no one in particular, "This
joint has sure changed!"

In the four years since Mr. Duffy became
warden, the dungeon and the notorious
"spot" in the solitary confinement section
have been abolished, and all corporal pun-
ishment went with them. An Inmates' De-
partmental Representative Committee has
been established, which encourages initia-
tive and suggestions by inmates; a recent
contest (with prizes in canteen cards) for
the best suggestions for use of the war
bonds bought by the men brought forth
hundreds of letters. Motion pictures are
shown weekly, and radio headphones have
been installed in inmates' quarters. There
are regular programs, including question-
answering by the warden, over this "Grey
Network." The inmates' own weekly radio
program of music and information is about
to start its sixth series over the Mutual
Network, on a national hook-up.

All this is in addition to the war mate-
rial contracts, the establishment of the har-
vest and forestry camps, the expansion of
educational, athletic, health, and religious
activities, the building up of the weekly
News and the immense improvement in
the meals, once a prime source of trouble.
Whether it is in the rehabilitation of a
discouraged man by means of plastic sur-
gery, the fostering of an active branch of
Alcoholics Anonymous, or the encourage-
ment of a flourishing Hobby Shop where
men may sell the things they make in
spare hours, the influence of Warden Duffy
is felt everywhere in San Quentin. But
surely he has done no greater thing than
to help Joe Doakes to realize himself as a
patriotic American.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

On the Calendar of Our Consciences

The promise and the pitfalls we confront in drafting anti-discriminatory
legislation that will square with principles we have held aloft in the war.

ON THE EARLY ORDER OF BUSINESS, NOT ONLY

of the new Congress but of the grist of
legislatures meeting this year, is the call for
measures to outlaw discrimination
whether in employment or in union mem-
bership on account of race, color, creed
or national origin.

Creative proposals to establish such a
legal basis for carrying over into industrial
relations the standards acclaimed in our
Bill of Rights failed of enactment in 1944.
This was true under both a Democratic
administration at Washington and a Re-
publican administration at Albany.

In New York, the passage of such a law
now appears certain in 1945. In his mes-
sage in January, Gov. Thomas E. Dewey
heralded the legislation which has since
been submitted by the Temporary State
Commission Against Discrimination. "The
need for action in this field of human rela-
tions," he declared, "is imperative."
Whether other states Pennsylvania and
Illinois are examples will follow suit de-
pends, to a large extent, upon the coordi-
nated efforts of their minority groups
church, liberal, and labor.

Federal enactment in 1945 hangs, in
turn, on active interest among these same
groups the country over. Representative
Charles La Follette (R. Ind.) introduced in
the House on January 3 a bill to make the
Fair Employment Practice Committee a
permanent agency. While Director of War
Mobilization James F. Byrnes failed to men-
tion the necessity for such an agency in
his New Year's Day statement on man-
power, PM's Washington bureau later told
of a conference between the President and
Chairman Malcolm Ross of the FEPC in
which Mr. Roosevelt was reported to have
held that the passage of this bill is "impera-
tive."

On the congressional stage, however, the
prospect is clouded by bitter opposition
among not a few representatives of south-
ern states and by likely recourse to filibuster
in the Senate.

This drive for legislation registers mount-
ing American concern to reconcile a deep
spiritual conflict between our ideals and
our practices. It confronts, also, practical
obstacles in attempting to secure adequate
machinery for coping with a complex eco-
nomic situation.

Americans Face Our Dilemma

Under the impact of war and resistance
to the Nazi creed of racial superiority, we
have come to recognize the existence of
what Gunnar Myrdal has described as "An
American Dilemma." That is the title of
his own concluding volume, crystallizing
the comprehensive survey of "The Negro
in American Life" carried out under the

JUSTINE and SHAD POLIER

By a justice of the Domestic Relations
Court of New York. Judge Justine Wise
Polier saw earlier service as counsel to
the City's Emergency Relief Bureau and
as referee in the Workmen's Compensa-
tion Division of the State Department of
Labor. And

By a specialist in administrative law,
who has recently returned to private
practice from federal service as director
of enforcement of the Fuel, Automotive
and Consumer Durable Goods Division,
Office of Price Administration.

In this article, the authors who in
private life are Mr. and Mrs. Shad
Polier focus their insight and experi-
ence on a momentous and developing
field in applied democracy.

sponsorship of the Carnegie Corporation.

This distinguished Swedish scholar,
chosen as director of the study for the
very detachment of his approach, exposes
the root problem in our treatment of all
minority groups. We shall never again be
unmindful that, as he puts it, this is "a
problem in the heart of the American. It
is there the decisive struggle goes on."

Mr. Myrdal drives home that the Amer-
ican dilemma is the ever-raging conflict be-
tween our American creed of liberty and
equality, of justice and fair opportunity for
everybody and our everyday conduct and
feelings. In varying degrees, in different
communities, he found this conflict raging
within Americans, no less tfyan between
Americans. It does not concern the Negro
alone. All minority groups are involved:
here Jews; there Catholics; elsewhere
Mexicans; and so on.

The war has sharpened our sense of this
conflict. We have seen on a worldwide
screen how hatred and war are bred by the
destruction, subjugation or humiliation of
human beings by reason of race or color,
creed or national origin; how they threaten
the well-being of people everywhere. Our
sense of guilt is deepened because in fight-
ing the war our country had need for all
Americans; has called to them; and has
received their vigor and skills in industry,
their valor on the battlefront. We realize
that in mustering and waging war we have
given our promise, implicit if not explicit,
that the United States means to live up to
its creed.

New York a Testing Ground

While by no means entirely typical of
the situation elsewhere, significance is to be
found in considering the attitudes of the
people of New York State and efforts there
to ban discrimination. To be found, also,
in scanning alternative bills offered for their

consideration in 1944 and in 1945 and the
reception accorded these. At the same
time, analyses of recent public opinion polls
throw light nationally on the attitudes of
white Americans toward Negroes; and
light, also, on the old controversy as to the
relative merits of education vs. legislation
as means for bringing improvement about.

There is increasing evidence that public
opinion in New York today is determined
that the problem of discrimination shall be
dealt with firmly. The ghosts of riots in
Harlem have never been laid. Nor have
sensational newspaper accounts obscured
the fact that at the bottom of such clashes
lie disparities in economic opportunity.

New York City itself, like several other
large urban communities, might almost be
said to be made up of minority groups,
each having a vital stake in eliminating
discrimination. Whatever their competitive
drives for self-preferment, they have come
to recognize their common helplessness
without the intervention of government.

These conditions are not new. Over the
years, piecemeal laws have been enacted by
the New York legislature prohibiting dis-
crimination in state and municipal employ-
ment. More recently public utilities have
been placed in the same category. Dis-
crimination has been "outlawed" in hotels,
theaters, stores, and other establishments
which hold themselves out to serve the
public.

In a few instances, individuals have
been aggressive enough to press these rights
by suits at law only to be awarded amounts
so small as to rob them of even token sig-
nificance. Violations of legislatively de-
clared civil rights have gone unchecked
because of an utter lack of machinery to
cope with them. Violators of these rights
have regarded the laws as a nuisance, the
risk of prosecution or suit as simply an-
other expense of doing business. Mean-
while, there has been resort to subterfuges
which achieve the appearance of non-dis-
crimination while still accomplishing the
opposite result.

First Drafts As Yardsticks

Against this background, two bills were
prepared by a distinguished committee of
citizens appointed by Governor Dewey un-
der the chairmanship of Alvin Johnson,
director of The New School. Last spring,
one bill proposed establishment of a bureau
in the office of the State Attorney General,
to investigate violations of the anti-discrim-
ination statutes already in existence, to hold
public hearings and to prosecute violators.

Coming to grips with fundamentals, a
second bill was drawn so as to

declare the opportunity to obtain em-
ployment, without discrimination because

FEBRUARY 1945

of race, color, creed or national origin, to
be a civil right;

declare illegal any discrimination in
employment or union membership on such
account;

prohibit employment agencies from
participating in such illegal practices;

establish a commission to administer
these newly declared civil rights.

This bill was grounded on the precedents
established in federal and state Labor Re-
lations Acts which provide for protection of
wage earners in their right to organize and
bargain collectively. Let us look at the
pattern. Under it, the commission would
have been empowered not only to hold
hearings upon complaints of discrimination
but, if it found the charges sustained, to
issue remedial orders enforceable in the
courts. To that end the commission would
have been authorized to require both the
cessation of the discriminatory conduct and
the correction of the injury already done.
Persons denied employment, discharged, or
refused promotion could be ordered hired,
reinstated, or advanced and given wages
lost as a result of their employers' -illegal
conduct.

Similarly, the commission would have
been empowered to order a union to cease
refusing membership because of a worker's
race, color, creed or national origin, and
could require the elimination of Jim Crow
locals. Failure to obey the order of the
commission, when backed by a court de-

cree, was to be made a contempt and, there-
fore, punishable by fine or imprisonment.

To the disappointment of many citizens,
Governor Dewey declined to support the
bills without further study. Resignations
from the committee followed and, with
legislative sanction, he appointed a Tem-
porary State Commission Against Discrim-
ination under the chairmanship of Irving
M. Ives, majority leader of the Assembly,
who for seven years has been chairman of
the New York State Joint Legislative Com-
mittee on Industrial and Labor Relations.*

The Second Drafts

At a series of committee hearings held
by the new Temporary Commission, be-
ginning in December, the public was given
an opportunity to criticize or endorse drafts
of "tentative proposals" for legislation.

The two proposals followed in general
the lines laid down by the governor's earlier
committee. Certain variations, however,
introduced serious administrative defects.

Thus, in what might be termed the At-
torney General Bill, the provision for a
separate bureau in his office was eliminated.
This would avoid budgetary responsibility
and no staff of specialists would be created
who could truly make the enforcement of
these civil rights a state no less than a
county concern. Moreover, the right of the

*Sec "Blazing New Legislative Trails," by Phillips
Bradley Survey Graphic, May 1944.

TWO FRIENDS AWARD

The National Urban League has established a new award to be bestowed periodically upon in-
dividuals who have made outstanding contributions in promoting interracial good will. The
award will be in the form of a portrait medal of L. Hollingsworth Wood and Eugene Kinckle
Jones a tribute to the long and productive association of these two men, one white, the other
Negro, in the league's work.

The photograph shows the president of the league, William H. Baldwin, holding the mas-
ter medal; and, left to right, the Negro sculptor, Richmond Barthe, who made the design,
Mr. Wood and Mr. Jones.

Attorney General to prosecute was made
conditional upon his finding that a local
district attorney had refused or was un-
able to institute criminal proceedings. This
would basically weaken enforcement. To
provide that an Attorney General must first
supersede local authorities might well, as a
matter of practical politics, mean that he
would seldom act at all.

In what might be termed the Unfair
Employment Practice Bill (far the more
important of the two drafts) the oppor-
tunity to obtain employment without dis-
crimination because of race, creed, color, or
national origin was recognized as a civil
right and declared to be such.

The draft forbade discriminatory employ-
ment practices based on race, color, creed
or national origin on the part of private
employers, employment agencies, and labor
unions. (Unfortunately, exempted from
this prohibition were social clubs, fraternal,
charitable, educational, and religious asso-
ciations or corporations not organized for
private profit, farmers not employing more
than three employes and employers of
domestics.)

A State Commission Against Discrimina-
tion was provided for to receive, investigate,
and pass on complaints alleging such dis-
crimination. It was also authorized to create
citizen advisory agencies and conciliation
councils local or otherwise; these to be com-
posed of citizens serving without pay to aid
in effectuating the purpose of the proposed
legislation. The commission might empower
such bodies to study the problems of dis-
crimination in all or specific fields of
human relations and to foster through com-
munity effort good will between various
groups in the population.

To the extent that this constituted a rec-
ognition of the need for education and citi-
zen action at the local level it was sound.
However, the permissive note and vague
language employed as to the powers of such
councils left much to be desired even by
those who believe that education and action
in communities should be under the direc-
tion of the permanent Commission Against
Discrimination.

Among the unfair employment practices
forbidden to employers or employment
agencies were discriminations in any aspect
of the employment relationships question-
ing job applicants about their race, color,
creed or national origin, publishing dis-
criminatory help-wanted ads or discrimi-
nating because any person has opposed any
unlawful employment practice or has as-
sisted in any proceeding under the Act.

Labor organizations were forbidden to
exclude or expel from membership, or to
discriminate in any way against any of their
members because of their race, creed, color
or national origin.

Some Flaws

In its proposed form the draft, however,
included administrative provisions that
seriously threaten the effectiveness of the
proposed legislation. The following are the
most significant:

1. Both National and New York State
(Continued on page 78)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

w*w^**"

Lee for FSA

Men gather at the neighborhood bar for sociability, for "a quick one," sometimes linger to "have another," and another

Roads to Alcoholism

A psychiatrist tells what alcoholism is, and what social pressures of sex,
background, occupation, personality cause a human being to drink to excess.

WHEN OLD FRIENDS MEET AFTER A LONG
separation, they do not celebrate, as they
reminisce nostalgically, by drinking some
chloral together. There is no song which
honors in a lusty chorus the stimulating
charms of strychnine. Men do not brag
of the amount of aspirin they can take with-
out reeling around the room or stuporously
slipping under the table. No one tells his
friends with pride that he was slightly sick,
in fact somewhat "stinko," the night before
because he swallowed too many pheno-
barbitals. Ships are not launched by break-
ing bottles of chloroform upon their bows;
nor are the kings, presidents, and rulers of
great countries toasted by groups of men
who spring to their feet, clink together
glasses filled with paraldehyde and drink
the contents down to demonstrate the mo-
mentary unity and mutual love of their re-
spective nations.

The Incidence of Alcoholism

This emphasizes what I have stated many
times, that the main differences between al-
coholism and other drug addictions are first,
the singular effects of alcohol and, second,
the consequent social pressure put on hu-
man beings in our Western civilization to
drink and to drink to excess. When we

ABRAHAM MYERSON, M.D.

study the cultural and biologic distribution
of alcoholism, we discover two primary and
directing facts.

First, there is a predominant sexual dis-
tribution males are addicted to alcohol-
ism about seven times as frequently as are
females, although there is about the same
distribution of neurosis and psychosis in
males and females. In fact, there are some-
what more depressions and more states of
anxiety and inferiority in the female than
in the male, so that if the addiction to al-
cohol rested primarily on a neurotic or
psychotic basis, the facts of its sexual distri-
bution would be entirely mystifying and in-
comprehensible. But if we think of alcohol

By the clinical professor of psychiatry
in the Harvard Medical School, who is
also director of research in the Boston
State Hospital and a member of the
Massachusetts State Committee on Re-
search in Mental Health.

Dr. Myerson's searching article on the
drug addiction we call alcoholism is
based on the paper he presented at the
Symposium on Alcoholism conducted by
the Research Council on Problems of
Alcohol in Cleveland in the fall.

addiction as having one of its main roots
in social pressure and in social tradition,
with urging and forbidding as twin and
ambivalent factors, the explanation of the
lesser addiction among females is under-
standable, since alcoholism in .women is
looked upon with more abhorrence and
less smiling tolerance, and there is far less
pressure put on the female to drink than
on the male.

Second, as has been pointed out else-
where, there is an even more important
racial-social distribution. Thus it has been
noted for many years that the Jews have
little or no alcoholism. Though most Jews
drink somewhat and some drink to excess,
yet the records of arrest, admissions to hos-
pitals for alcoholism, and the incidence of
alcoholic psychoses everywhere show a
marked and extraordinary immunity of the
Jew from alcohol addiction However, a
study of the men who come before the se-
lective service induction boards shows a
racial-social distribution which makes the
singularity of the Jew less impressive.

There are few alcoholics among the
Italian-Americans, although Italians have
been busily engaged in the process of man-
ufacturing and distributing alcohol for a
long time; and further, few of the de-

FEBRUARY 1945

scendants of the peoples who come from
the Mediterranean littoral are alcoholics.
It is as we press upward and northward
to the British Isles and to Scandinavia that
we find a heavy incidence of alcoholism in
the descendants of the people who come
from these countries. Throughout the
United States the incidence of alcoholism
and the alcoholic psychoses is greatest
among the people who come from the
British Isles and especially among the Irish-
Americans, with a liberal sprinkling of
alcoholism among people from Norway,
Denmark, and the Slavic countries, as well
as from parts of Germany. Yet no one, I
think, will maintain that the Irish have a
greater incidence of nervous and mental
disturbance than have the Jews. They cer-
tainly do not suffer more from anxiety or
inferiority feelings. They do not have more
anguish of spirit from which they long to
escape. (It may be stated that to be a
Jew is not only to have an anxiety neuro-
sis but almost to be one.)

It is relevant to point out that it is un-
der the tremendous change in social psy-
chological pressure which takes place when
primitive peoples become enmeshed in and
enslaved by Western civilization that alco-
holism sometimes becomes almost universal.
Ruth Bunzel paints a moving and shame-
ful picture of the lot of the Central Ameri-
can Indians when they became helots on
the plantations and in the mines of their
Spanish masters, and a deliberate and
planned alcoholism was foisted on the en-
slaved population to perpetuate their deg-
radation and thus maintain their subordina-
tion.

Furthermore, certain clinical facts which
are of importance bear on the problem of
the relationship of the neuroses and psy-
choses to alcoholism. It is stated that
people who are depressed drink excessively;
yet it is a common occurrence that when a
man who has been a heavy drinker de-
velops a depression, he may remain entirely
sober because for the first time he gets no
pleasure, no kick, no thrill from alcohol.
He is only made sick by drinking and
without any compensating mental state. I
think there are more depressed people who
stop drinking than people who drink to
excess because of depression.

What Alcoholism Is

If one considers alcohol addiction as a
final goal to which many roads lead, a
classification of alcoholism must be made
so as to orient thinking and differentiate
the treatment of the individual alcoholic.

Alcoholism is somewhat like murder in
this respect: A man may commit murder
as a social right because his community re-
gards the avenging of a private wrong by
personal punishment as laudable. In the
early history of mankind, killing in this
way was no crime. And, in many extant
communities, to kill because one must be
one's own agent for vengeance is still
praised and so has the urgent potency of
the mores behind it. Thus we have a so-
cial-cultural background for murder. A
man may kill through emotional disturb-
ance and in the heat of individual battle.
This is the most familiar type of killing.

Another may take life in pursuance of
some other criminal act such as robbery.
His intent may not be to murder at all,
but the murder flows out of the situation
and is incidental to the crime motivation
as a whole. A man may commit murder
because he is deluded, has ideas of perse-
cution, dementia praecox, general paresis or
some other mental disease. And finally, a
man may commit murder because he is
so low in the intellectual scale that he does
not know the difference between right and
wrong and has not been able to assimilate
the cultural ideology in this respect. The
same act killing may thus be approached,
so far as motivation and psychological
causation is concerned, by many roads. And
many roads lead to alcoholism.

The escape motivation of alcoholic in-
dulgence has been worked to death and
has become a psychiatric and social cliche.
Men drink to celebrate a past, present or
coming event. Some seek the good will
and esteem of others in a combination of
social propitiation and self-glorification or
exhibitionism; thus vanity is one of the
great sources of the motives for drinking.
Others drink to alleviate fear, sorrow, fa-
tigue, and boredom the Four Horsemen
of the Weary Spirit; a few to dissolve the
shackles of the Brooding Self; and finally
most, because it is the inexorably pressing
"thing to do." Out of the primary social,
racial, sexual predilection and pressure,
without which there is no alcoholism, some
find their way to addiction.

Social Pressures

Again, what are these roads to alcohol-
ism P There is, first of all, a cultural pat-
tern which does not frown effectively on
the most important road to alcoholism
heavy drinking and which even tends to
encourage it. At the same time, another
cultural pattern disavows heavy drinking,
punishes it, regards it as evil, unhygienic,
and so on. This conflict of social attitudes
I have described elsewhere as the social
ambivalence towards alcoholism. In some
racial-social groups there is very little am-
bivalence. The group is very definitely
against alcoholism. This is the case of the
Jews.

In other groups the pressure towards
heavy drinking is strongly based socially
and has a long history. This, in my opin-
ion, is the case among the people of north-
ern Europe. It is noteworthy that the only
groups which included drunkenness and
fighting in their concept of paradise were
the Germanic peoples. In Valhalla the
heroes fought all day, then were carried
back by the Valkyrie to Valhalla, were
miraculously cured of their wounds and
spent the night in an orgy of drinking.
Nothing is said about what happened to
the Valkyrie. Thus, among the northern
peoples, to drink heavily was considered a
sign of manhood, and the capacity to carry
alcohol so well as to drink the other con-
testant under the table is enshrined in
legends, sayings, and injunctions as the
mark of the gentleman.

There is therefore a social pressure in
many communities and racial-social groups
which favors heavy drinking, which makes

it a proof of virility, which gives it the
sanction of ceremony, and finally establishes
it by the greatest of social powers cus-
tom. This social pressure does not operate
equally on all persons, just as the trend
towards learning and the praise of war do
not operate equally to make scholars and
soldiers of the various members of the
population. Nevertheless, social pressure
must never be forgotten as a factor in the
development of heavy drinking, which in
its turn becomes the main road to alcohol-
ism.

It must be asserted that most "heavy
drinkers" remain relatively normal, how-
ever foolish and deplorable it may be to
drink too frequently and too much. So
long as a man drinks socially, does not
damage his physical health, does not lose
much time from his work, does not sink
from the social and economic position to
which he has risen, does not loosen the
ties which bind him to friends and family,
he is not yet a true alcoholic.

Put more psychologically and somati-
cally, alcoholism appears mainly as the out-
growth of heavy drinking. Here I use
some of the criteria which Robert Seliger,
the Johns Hopkins psychiatrist, uses to
mark the transition from drinking to al-
coholism: when the morning after finds
the drinker so tremulous and disorganized
that he feels an urgent need for the all too
transiently steadying drink; when he must
use alcohol for a prop in the pressing daily
occasions when doubt, frustration, fatigue,
and monotony assail him in short, when
pleasure is supplanted by craving, and de-
privation brings out the zestless restless-
ness of the drug addict. The sensible
drinker seeks a mild euphoria and an easier
access to other pleasures; the alcoholic has
lost other roads to euphoria and seeks
anesthesia as the Good of his existence.

Who Becomes an Addict?

Within the ever present framework of
the social pressure as manifested by sex,
racial-social status, as well as by occupa-
tion, who becomes the heavy drinker is a
relevant question. My impression is that
the man with the delusive gift of a metab-
olism that withstands alcohol well, who
does not easily become sick or adversely
affected, and who in 'the earlier periods of
his life quickly builds up a tolerance for
increasing doses of this drug, is in danger
of alcohol addiction through the road of
heavy drinking. Conversely, the man who
becomes dull, dazed, dizzy by a drink or
two, whose metabolism is such that he
"gets nothing out of it" but the unpleasant,
and who finds on repeated experience and
experiment that he cannot build up a real
tolerance, does not become a heavy drink-
er.

This is not different from the mental
and physical reactions to other drugs. Some
people are adversely excited by morphine;
for some the usual euphoria of benzedrine
is replaced by an agitated depression; and
the chemical idiosyncrasy of the finer and
hidden structures of people produce either
allergy or tolerance to everything chemical
from the barbiturates to strawberries.

When we come down to immediate

SURVEY GRAPHIC

factors in the creation of addiction, it seems
to me we may state the case somewhat as
follows: It is difficult to isolate the per-
sonality types who become alcoholic, yet it
is probable that certain personality types do
1 become alcoholic more frequently than
1 others. I think the "unorganized extro-
I vert" becomes an alcoholic very readily.
| This is the individual who remains on a
I frank level of hedonism without the de-
ll velopment of sentiment, whose energies are
I expended without engrossing and fixed pur-
!: pose, who drifts in the present moment,
I not governed by the past or directed by a
I future.

I do not think that the hobo, the com-
\ plete example of this type, is a hobo be-
cause of his addiction to alcohol. I think
his addiction to alcohol is part of the same
I general trend which has led to his becom-
i ing a hobo. He has not built up an or-
I ganized self. He has no fixed attachment
!, to a woman, so he does not marry. He has
no loyalty to a locale, so he migrates from
place to place. He has no developed skill,
j because he is not industrious and follows
j itinerant occupations merely to get enough
;j to sustain life and to obtain alcohol in any
form. He drinks to excess because he has
.; nothing to keep him sober. There is no
inner inhibition against alcoholism. He
i does not belong to any social or religious
: group which is against alcoholism, because
I he is not a joiner or a church-goer. The
I positive social pressure towards alcohol in-
i dulgence operates without let or hindrance.
The unorganized extroverts, of whom
the hobo is merely the extreme example,
become the "sot" drinkers, who drink with-
j out fastidiousness or ceremony, who gather
together in alleyways, in lonely cabins along
the river or in the woods, and pass the
j bottle around. But the sot needs no com-
j panionship for his drinking, and in his
; case John Barleycorn has nothing to fear
j from Venus. All other hedonistic striving
I becomes stilled when alcoholism becomes
complete.

A second type of alcoholic is by his in-
trinsic nature the opposite of the unor-
ganized extrovert. Here we encounter the
unfortunate who has what I call the "so-
cial anxiety neurosis." Meeting with his
fellow men fills him with dread. He can-
not face their scrutiny without stammer-
ing, inner tremor, or somatic disturbance
of one type or another. Yet he yearns ar-
dently to be one with his fellows and to be
at ease in social relationship. Except un-
der the influence of alcohol he finds this
impossible to do. Without alcohol he gets
shoved into a corner, lonely and miserable.
With alcohol his fear is assuaged. His
obsessive self-consciousness disappears, and
the alcohol either releases a latent self-con-
fidence or paralyzes the paralyzing inhibi-
tions. So he becomes bold and feels him-
self capable of holding up his end with his
fellows. His tongue becomes loosened, and
thus relieves him of one of his main diffi-
culties, which is that he can find nothing
to talk about. Alcohol makes him voluble
by releasing his repressed loquacity. He
becomes friendly, sociable, and free.

Since the social anxiety neurosis is usu-
ally a chronic mental state, it is easy to see

FEBRUARY 1945

that in some cases those who belong to
racial-cultural groups which do not frown
on alcoholism and, in addition, who toler-
ate alcohol fairly well alcohol addiction
readily develops as a final phase of a social
disability.

Three Types of Spree Drinking

There are three types of spree drinking
of interest and importance. In all spree
drinking there is usually prior heavy drink-
ing, then complete or comparative sobriety,
and then a debauch starts which goes on
day and night until the hospital, the jail,
or occasionally death ends the frenzied
cycle.

One type seems linked either to a re-
curring depression or the beginning of a
manic attack, and is thus not so much true
alcoholism as symptomatic of manic-de-
pressive psychosis leading either to a mental
anguish for which anesthesia is sought, or
else to an extreme recklessness and flam-
boyance of spirit which use the medium of
alcohol for a fantastic exhibitionistic cele-
bration.

The second variety is the "reaction to
trouble and frustration" spree. This is not
merely getting drunk to forget or escape;
it is a cycle of increasing tempo and can
only be stopped forcibly by outer power or
by delirium tremens, or neuritis, or pneu-
monia, to cite a few of the effective red
lights. As a rule, this kind of spree drink-
er is ordinarily a restrained drinker one
who has to keep himself in check to remain
reasonably sober. Then comes what one of
them designated as the pu;h-over, "the
to-hell-with-it" event and the spree is on.

The third type is entirely baffling in its
stark periodic alcoholism. There is no
mental disease, and there is no trouble.
Fear, worry, fatigue, boredom, none of these
is evident either to the man himself or to
those about him. Between sprees he drinks
not at all and refuses the ever-recurring
invitation, "What will you have," firmly,
good-naturedly, and without any feeling of
temptation. Suddenly and after a brief
inner battle, he takes the fatal first drink,
and then there is set going by an inexorable
mechanism a feverish debauch in barrooms
and hotel rooms, with a finale in hospital,
jail or morgue. Usually this dipsomaniac,
as the older literature termed him, has
been a heavy drinker who finally reaches
abstinence, but thereafter remains on a
pharmacological all-or-none principle.

Jobs and Alcohol

One of the roads to alcoholism is through
occupation. That the job selects the man
is a phase of economics not sufficiently
stressed by economists and social scientists.
There are certain occupations which de-
mand "high pressure" of those who engage
in them. The worker has to be quick,
aggressive, enthusiastic; he has to over-
cqme resistance by a forcible front; he has
to match wits and ply argument; and espe-
cially he has to entertain the customer.
So alcohol is used as a means of entertain-
ment, social union, and to bring about that
affability by which deals are made.

I cite merely one occupation of many
in which heavy drinking is almost de-

FEB

manded and so is common, thus readily
becoming metamorphized into alcohol ad-
diction. The big city salesman or agent in
a competitive business entertains his cus-
tomers and especially those who come from
rural districts and small towns to combine
business with free pleasure. And drinking
permeates all such entertainment. To the
customer the debauch becomes a pleasant
or regretful episode; to the salesman it is
part of a dangerous career. Dangerous,
that is, to men of some races and not to
others, to men who lack the full natural
vitality and to whom alcohol furnishes the
fuel for an artificial and dangerous pres-
sure. Wherever "personality" is demanded
as part of the selling process, in the profes-
sions as well as in business, and wherever
entertainment is a part or the whole of
the transaction in short, where personality
or sociability become unduly emphasized,
alcohol addiction becomes the lot of a dis-
proportionate number of men and women.
It is very easy to classify the alcoholic as
a constitutional psychopathic inferior, and
to commit the logical error of circular
reasoning, namely, the alcoholic is a con-
stitutional psychopathic inferior because he
drinks to excess, and he drinks to excess
because he is a constitutional psychopathic
inferior. The evidence of abnormal per-
sonality among prohibitionists needs to be
studied as a counterbalance to the study of
the personality of alcoholics. In the one
case, the negative social pressure in respect
to drinking has won the day; whereas, in
the case of the alcoholic, the positive social
pressure has become victorious.

Prevention

The roads to alcoholism are many, but
they are always offshoots of the highway of
social-racial custom and tradition. The
treatment of the individual case has at this
time some twenty varieties, ranging from
Alcoholics Anonymous and frank religious
exhortation to spinal fluid drainage, benze-
drine sulfate and the conditioned reflex, not
forgetting psychoanalysis, psychothera-
peutics, and shock therapy.

Whoever wishes ardently to prevent al-
coholism will need the heart of a lion, the
wiliness of the serpent, and the guileless-
ness of the dove. He will meet head on
not only the terrific power of tradition and
custom, but also the power of great indus-
tries as they fight for the sale of a danger-
ous product a drug by advertising cam-
paigns and the corruption of legislatures.
Not only all this, but he who seeks to
bring about a reasonably drinking society
will sooner or later find that he has to
deal with the structure of a somewhat
crazy society a society riddled with the in-
justices of bad working conditions, miser-
able slums, the twin evils of poverty and of
unearned wealth, of insecurity and unem-
ployment, and the hectic atmosphere of en-
hanced sensuality and luxury-seeking. In
short, in order to prevent men and women
from the false euphoria and the unquiet
anesthesia of alcohol addiction, he must
become more than physician and psychia-
trist; he must take on the task of the so-
cial reformer.

"An Ordinary American

The Japanese Americans in the U. S. army have a living symbol
of Uncle Sam he's a youngish Mississippian named Earl Finch.

AN AMERICAN SOLDIER OF JAPANESE PAR-
entage, who had lost a leg in Italy, lay in
the army's Walter Reed Hospital longing
for his family and friends in Hawaii. Sud-
denly he saw approach his bedside a pleas-
ant faced man wearing a pineapple printed
Hawaiian shirt. "That shirt looked won-
derful," he now relates, "but when the
man told me his name, I was so excited
I nearly jumped out of bed without my
leg."

The soldier had never seen Earl Finch
before, but he had heard hundreds of
stories about him. To meet him in person
was like receiving a visitor from home.

For, Earl M. Finch, soft-spoken, reticent,
southern businessman and farmer, is the
hero of American soldiers of Japanese an-
cestry. His name is revered by the several
thousands of them now fighting in Italy
and France, by the hundreds lying wound-
ed in army hospitals in this country, and
by their families, many of whom are still
in relocation centers. This hero worship
has resulted from only one cause friend-
ship. It has spread like a flame in the year
and a half since the quiet southerner began
to spend most of his time and much of
his money befriending people, particularly
soldiers, who are members of what has
been called the loneliest minority group in
America.

They Were Lonely Boys

The object of this mass affection is a
slight man, somewhere in his middle thir-
ties, who lives in Hattiesburg, Miss., with
his father and invalid mother. He owns a
second-hand furniture establishment, and a
combination bowling-alley and army goods
store, as well as a stock farm outside the
town, and he prefers to be known as a
farmer rather than a businessman.

Earl Finch has a hero, too. This is his
kid brother, now in combat duty in the
Pacific. When Earl found he was unable
to get into the army himself, he decided to
spend the proceeds of his businesses extend-
ing hospitality to servicemen the kind of
hospitality he would like to have strangers
offer his brother.

He began by introducing himself to
British and French seamen in New Orleans
and taking them on short trips to sur-
rounding points of interest or to night
clubs. He picked out foreign servicemen
because he felt that they were the ones
who needed friendship most.

Then one day in the summer of 1943
as he was walking down Hattiesburg's
main street, he noticed in front of him a
very small man in an American army uni-
form much too big for him. The soldier
lingered at a shop window and Mr. Finch
saw an Oriental face reflected in the glass.
"The little man looked so forlorn," said

KATHRYN CLOSE

Constant reader of the Pacific Citizen,
lively weekly publication of the Japanese
American Citizens League, is our asso-
ciate editor, Kathryn Close. And when
she found in its pages frequent items
about Earl Finch, she felt she must know
more about him. This story of friend-
ship is the result.

he when pressed for the story, "that I
invited him home to supper."

The soldier came armed with a big
bunch of American Beauty roses for Mr.
Finch's mother. After supper, he spent
hours in pleasant conversation with her.
"Then I knew I liked him," says her son.

That was the beginning of an interest
in Japanese Americans that has gradually
absorbed more and more of Earl Finch's
time. The soldier he had entertained was
a member of a large group of volunteers
of Japanese ancestry then stationed at Camp
Shelby. They were lonely boys. Their ad-
vent to the state had met with a blast from
a prominent politician that was hardly con-
ducive to self-assurance in young men who
since Pearl Harbor had felt themselves
suspect wherever they went. They shied
away from the USO clubs after a few ex-
periences of finding themselves standing
apart as self-conscious onlookers. They
avoided the dances at the service clubs in
the camps, for there were no girls for them.

Mr. Finch began to take small groups
of these boys to his home. When he be-
came familiar with their needs, he decided
to entertain them in larger numbers. He
invited 600 to a picnic at his farm, where
he staged a rodeo, complete with cow-
punchers, unbroken horses, and all the
trimmings. At another time, he took out
300 for a watermelon picnic. When Christ-
inas came, he bought up all the cigars in
Hattiesburg and sent them to the boys at
the camp along with truckloads of fruit
"mangoes and bananas and things we
hadn't seen for a long time," says one boy
trom Hawaii who is still talking about it.

The Numbers Increase

But the hospitable southerner was not
satisfied with what entertainment he could
offer the soldiers himself. Nearly 300 miles
from Hattiesburg, at Rohwer, Ark., stands
one of the War Relocation Authority's
temporary relocation centers, where there
are several thousand of the Japanese and
Americans of Japanese descent who were
evacuated from their West Coast homes in
the early months of the war. To Mr. Finch
its proximity represented an opportunity.
He got in touch with army service officers
and arranged for buses to be sent to the
center (and also to Jerome, Ark., where
there was another center which has since

closed) to bring girls for his soldier friends
to the camp dances. The boys themselves
paid the expenses and about sixty girls
came. The experiment was so successful
that it has been repeated at intervals of two
or three months ever since.

He also helped persuade the local United
Service Organizations council, of which he
is a member, to cooperate with USO repre-
sentatives in the establishment in Hatties
burg of a special club for these soldiers
where they could feel at home the nov
popular Aloha USO Club.

He put up trophies for athletic contest
on the post and made it possible for the
boys to go on athletic trips outside the
camp, sometimes to meet with professionals.

He arranged for publication, at his own
expense, of the battle song "Go for Broke,"
(Hawaiian slang for shoot the worlds) writ-
ten by Pfc. Harry Hamada of the 442nd
Combat Team and adopted as its official
song.

With all his efforts to extend opportuni-
ties for recreation to as many soldiers as
possible, Earl Finch never lost personal
touch with the boys. He arranged hotel
space in New Orleans for those who were
fortunate enough to have a three-day pass.
Occasionally he entertained a group by tak-
ing them to the city. He drove them to
the relocation centers to see their families
or friends.

When the volunteers moved on to Eu-
ropean battlefronts and were replaced by
draftees, also of Japanese ancestry, he kept
in touch with the old crowd by mail and
made friends with the new. He takes them
to ball games, giving them parties in his
home and on his farm, shows them a gay
time in the city, and does the innumerable
little things that only a person with a gift
for friendship can think up. Said a home-
sick draftee from Hawaii recently: "Earl
Finch is the only thing that makes spare
time bearable."

He seems to have a knack of knowing
just what the boys need to boost their
morale. After the announcement of the
atrocities perpetrated against American
prisoners of war in the Philippines, the
Japanese American soldiers at Shelby found
themselves restricted to the post. They were
engulfed in gloom until Mr. Finch and
the USO arranged for a Philippine or-
chestra from New Orleans to go to the
camp and entertain them with Hawaiian
music. The very fact that the Filipinos
were willing to play for them made the
boys feel better.

Their Families and Friends

The glimpses he caught of the relocation
centers through visits "home" with the boys
aroused Mr. Finch's interest in the people
living in those drab surroundings. Last

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Mr. Finch at Camp Shelby, Miss., distributing trophies to the winning baseball team of the 442nd Combat unit of Nisei volunteers

spring as Easter approached, he suggested
to the Japanese Americans at Camp Shelby
that they do something for the children in
the Rohwer center, saying he himself would
put up $300 for candy Easter eggs. Re-
sponding eagerly to the idea, the men
raised $2,300. On Easter day, Mr. Finch
and some of his friends went out to the
center with 10,000 Easter eggs, a ton of
candy, 2,000 pints of ice cream, and "doz-
ens and dozens" of Easter rabbits. They
took furniture for a camp USO and equip-
ment for a children's playground.

This past Christmas he again stimulated
a children's party at the center and within
a week had received over 1,200 letters of
appreciation from the children. In this
party he was aided by the men of the 171st
Infantry Battalion, and their special con-
tribution was furniture for the living room
of the center's old men's home.

From the extension of personal hospital-
ity to neighboring soldiers and their fam-
ilies, Mr. Finch's interest in Japanese
American servicemen has turned into a
full time job. He has traveled 32,000 miles
in the last year, visiting other camps and
army hospitals. Last fall he invited 200
boys from Camp Fannin, Tex., to be his
guests at a football game in nearby Tyler.
He took a Japanese Hawaiian orchestra,
composed of boys on furlough from Camp
Shelby, on a trip to several hospitals around
the country to entertain men of every race,
wounded in France and Italy. Only a few
days ago he gave a party in a New York
hotel for 150 men Japanese, Chinese,
Hawaiian all American soldiers on fur-
lough in the city.

His main concern now is with the

FEBRUARY 1945

wounded with all wounded soldiers but
especially those of Japanese descent. Re-
cently he invited five Japanese Americans,
on furlough from the Walter Reed Hos-
pital in Washington, to accompany him to
New York for a "good time." One had
lost a leg, one an arm, two had lost eyes,
one was recovering from bullet wounds
(he holds a Distinguished Service Cross),
but they all were in high spirits as they
"did the town" with their friend.

There is one responsibility that Mr.

Finch has taken upon himself that he finds
very difficult. This is visiting the relocation
centers to see families of men who have
been killed in battle.

"Can you imagine what it's like to call
on men and women who are behind barbed
wire and try to help them find comfort in
the fact that their son died for his coun-
try?" he asks. But whenever he hears of a
Japanese American boy's death and there
have been many he makes it a point to
get in touch with the soldier's family.

and as joint host with Japanese American soldiers at a Relocation Center party

There is an air of earnestness about Earl
Finch that sometimes seems almost tense,
but again is relieved by a twinkle of fun.
It is as though he were being driven by
some moral urge into more and more
feverish activity, but with it all was enjoy-
ing himself tremendously. His manner is
somewhat nervous one is never sure when
he is going to hop up and move about the
room, or even walk out in the midst of a
conversation.

In appearance there is little that would
make him stand out in a crowd. He is
slim, pale, baldish, with blue eyes and a
pleasant smile. Somehow he combines a
provincial simplicity with the assurance of
a man of the world. New Orleans, Wash-
ington, New York are as familiar to him as
his native Hattiesburg. Yet there is a
genuine shyness about him and a tendency
to blush.

They "Go for Broke"

Anyone interviewing him finds it hard
to learn much about Earl Finch. But one
learns a lot about American soldiers of
Japanese ancestry, for Mr. Finch manages
repeatedly to turn the subject to "our boys."

He tells of their heroic exploits indi-
vidually and as a group and of the kind
of people they are. He tells of the 100th
Infantry Battalion, composed entirely of

Hawaiians of Japanese descent, and how
they participated in the landings at Salerno
and in every major action in Italy since;
of the 1,000 Purple Hearts among the
original 1,300 men of this group; of the
numerous citations won by individuals of
the battalion by July there were eleven
Distinguished Service Crosses, forty-four
Silver Stars, thirty-one Bronze Stars, and
three Legion of Merit decorations, and there
have been many since. (The group has
been called "one of the most decorated
units of its size in American military his-
tory.") He tells of the 442nd Combat
Team, formed when the army called for
4,500 Japanese American volunteers from
Hawaii and the mainland "and got 10,000";
of how last summer four days after enter-
ing the front lines in Italy, men of this
group had advanced fifty miles, some of
them getting so far ahead of supply lines
that they had to go without food for
twenty-four hours; of how later the same
men spearheaded the rescue of the "lost
battalion" of Texans in the Vosges foot-
hills in France, and of the fierce action
they have been seeing with General Patch's
Seventh Army.

He speaks of individual friends: of the
cheerful letters he receives from Yoshinao
("Turtle") Omiya, whose eyes were blown
out by a land mine at the Volturno River

Acme

Four men of a distinguished battalion, the 100th Infantry; they were wounded in Italy

and who now has a job in a war plant; of
another Hawaiian Japanese who, though
he lost an eye and is still in the hospital,
keeps worrying army officials with his re-
quests to be sent back into combat with his
comrades of the 100th.

He talks of the Japanese Americans still
at Camp Shelby, the boys of the 171st In-
fantry Battalion who seem fired with a
common zeal to make good and prove their
"Americanism"; of the men of the 442nd
when they were in camp, and how they
raised $100,000 among themselves in a war
bond drive, and contributed $10,000 to the
American Red Cross fund-raising campaign.

But about himself, Earl Finch will say
little except: "I am just an ordinary Amer-
ican who values the American way of life."

America is made up of paradoxes, so
perhaps it is not unduly strange to find a
dedicated champion of a minority group in
Mississippi, a state hardly noted for its
racial tolerance. The way has not always
been easy for Earl Finch. He does not
mention it, but others bear witness to the
community prejudice he often has been up
against in extending his hospitality.

"He is an individualist and he does not
seem to care whether he is threatened with
social ostracism," one man said who knew
his work at the Aloha USO club. But the
result has been that while some "influential
persons" have looked down their noses at
Mr. Finch's activities, more and more of the
townspeople have become interested in
what he is doing and have adopted a
changed attitude to the Japanese American
soldiers in their midst.

The Symbol

Earl Finch does not talk about himself,
but almost any American soldier of Jap-
anese descent even one who has never
seen him will talk about him indefinitely.
In the short space of a few months he has
become almost legendary. The Nisei will
tell you of his fabulous wealth "his ranc
is so big he has to use an airplane to
around on it," the story goes while
reality he is a man of comfortable but me
est means. Men who have been overseas
late that he is a favorite topic of conve
sation among Japanese American bo
when they have time to "chin" a whili
Hundreds of Nisei soldiers who ha\
never seen him write to him. He
received as many as 500 letters in one
One veteran of the 442nd tells how the bo
in Italy planned to write him a chain le
ter, for they knew he could not possih
answer all the individual mail he receive
But, adds the soldier, the 442nd "got bus
before the letter was completed.

Actually, to the American soldiers of
Japanese ancestry, Earl Finch represents
something more than a friend or even a
hero. To them he has become a symbol:
an indication that democracy is not dead
so far as they are concerned; that they are
still welcome in their own land; that the
fight for freedom has as much meaning for
them as for other Americans. It is known
among the soldiers that one young Japanese
American died on an Italian battlefield
gasping:

"Say good-bye to Mr. Finch."

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Air Age Transportation

From the ground up to the stratosphere, postwar passengers and cargo will move
over new routes, at new speeds, by plane, helicopter, railroad, bus and car.

THE RAILROADS MADE POSSIBLE THE GROWTH

of cities and increased our urban population
from 15 to 60 percent. We called it the
railroad era. Then came the automobile
which dispersed our urban population into
the suburbs and created the metropolitan
area. That was the automobile age. Now
comes the airplane, with its possibility of
creating "one world."

Newspaper readers, radio listeners, and
motion picture audiences have been told of
the spectacular achievements expected frem
aviation after the war. There is to be a
Model T family helicopter landing on the
roof or in the backyard. A helicopter bus
will take us from our homes in the hills or
on the beach to our places of work in the
city, 250 miles away. We shall have dinner
in New York and breakfast in London.
No place in the world will be farther away
than forty-eight hours. Two-week vacations
will be spent in China or India. We are to
fly across the North Pole to Peiping and
Singapore. The Arctic Ocean will be to the
future civilization what the Mediterranean
Sea was to ancient civilizations. Inland
cities will become ports for planes from
foreign lands.

In general, the public has been satiated
with such dazzling stories; now it wants
to know not what are the possibilities, but
what are the probabilities. People want to
see the future of aviation in its proper
perspective as it fits into the transportation
system along with the railroads and the
automobile.

The First Postwar Decade

What will the coming century of flight
be like? We cannot, of course, see a century
ahead. Who at the close of Andrew Jack-
son's administration could have predicted
the prewar United States of the 1930's?
But we can have some ideas about the years
immediately after World War II. First,
there will be a transition period perhaps
two years. Then a decade about which we
can make some predictions. But uncertain
factors blur the outline of the second post-
war decade, and the years beyond.

Technological developments are also oc-
curring in the railway and automobile
industries; though, to be sure, not so
dramatically as in aviation. There will be
changes in shipping. Will aviation replace
the railroad and the automobile as the auto-
mobile replaced the horse, and the railroad
the stage coach? Or will aviation be added
to the existing system as the automobile
was added to railroads and ships?

In 1940, the total inter-city passenger
travel in the United States was 33,700,000,-
000 passenger miles, of which 1,100,000,000
were by airplane. Bus travel constituted

FEBRUARY 1945

WILLIAM FIELDING OGBURN

The first in our 1945 series of articles
exploring war-speeded developments in
science and technology is by the Sewell
L. Avery distinguished service professor
of sociology at the University of Chi-
cago. Professor Ogburn was director of
research for the President's Committee
on Social Trends (1930-33) and from
1935 to 1943 was research consultant
and member of the science committee of
the National Resources Committee. He
recently completed a special University
of Chicago, study of aviation.

10,900,000,000 of the total passenger miles
and the railroads 19,800,000,000 passenger
miles, of which 8,200,000,000 were Pullman
travel. The passenger miles for private auto-
mobiles in inter-city travel are estimated at
246,000,000,000 but the length of automobile
trips was much shorter than for buses.

Thus only about 3 percent of the com-
mercial passenger miles between cities in
our last peace year was by airplane.
Passengers traveled at a rate of 5.1 cents
per passenger air mile as compared with 4
to 4.25 cents per rail mile by Pullman, 2.2
to 2.5 cents by railway coach, and 1.5 to
2.2 cents by bus.

In the latter part of the first postwar
decade, airplane travel probably will amount
to some 7,000,000,000 passenger miles at
around 3.5 or 4 cents a passenger mile
if business conditions are good; but if there
is a fairly severe depression then four or
five billion miles probably will be a closer
estimate. Thus passenger miles by airplane
will almost equal the total Pullman traffic
in 1940, but will be less than one fifth of
the total inter-city passenger traffic. How-
ever, this does not mean that the railroads
will lose all their Pullman trade to the air-
planes. The increased passenger miles for
the airplane will come partially from the
creation of new traffic.

Air Age Railroads

Apparently the railroads are going to
make a vigorous effort to hold their Pull-
man passengers, especially those who travel
more than 400 miles. They will do this
by improving the service and lowering the
charges. A Pullman car today will carry
twenty-seven passengers. The Pullman car
of the future is planned to carry forty-five.
The price suggested is around two dollars
for a berth (plus the regular coach fare)
between Chicago and New York City. The
theory is that the price of a berth should
be less than a room at a hotel. Reclining
coach chairs are expected to be considerably
improved in comfort and to be provided
without additional cost to the passenger.

Even so, it is quite possible that the rail-
roads will have to curtail their Pullman
schedules and cut the number of their sleep-
ing cars, because the railroads can afford to
lower Pullman charges only if the cars are
filled. This may mean fewer Pullman ac-
commodations.

The railroad coaches and the buses are
expected to lose very few passengers to the
airlines since most of the travel on buses
and coaches is short distance travel. The
advantages of air travel are greater for long
distances, in both expense and speed. The
cost per mile on airlines increases if many
stops are made at short intervals. The sav-
ing of time by plane also is less if frequent
stops are made, since they decrease the total
block speed. Furthermore, the time gained
by the speed of air travel is often lessened
by the necessity of having to go back and
forth to an airport.

For instance, from Peoria to Chicago, the
time by airplane is shorter than by rail. But
when the time required to go from the
home of the traveler to the Peoria airport
and from the Chicago airport to the 'Loop
is included, the saving in time is wiped
out. A helicopter bus will depart and land
closer to the center of the city, but the rates
by helicopter bus are likely to be consider-
ably higher than by motor bus, possibly
twice as much. Thus it is questionable
whether the airplanes and helicopter buses
can offer as frequent schedules as the bus
and railroad.

Nevertheless, aviation will enter the field
of short distance transportation. Early in
1943, there were 288 cities certified for
scheduled air service. Counting people liv-
ing within a 25-mile radius of the airport
as having air service, then 59.7 percent of
the population in 1943 was reached by air-
lines. Since all the big cities have airports
on scheduled airlines, doubling the present
air route mileage of 50,000 miles would
penetrate downward to the small towns.
However, each additional thousand route
miles will serve smaller and smaller pro-
portions of the population. The successful
extension of air routes to smaller places
will depend upon the degree to which
economies in air transportation can be
made. To be self-supporting, these local air
lines would have to charge from 4 to 7
cents a mile. The planes are likely to be
small and the schedules infrequent.

Aviation at present is used by the higher
income groups in large cities. The extension
of aviation to the smaller towns will be
furthered by government mail subsidies,
just as present airlines were aided by mail
subsides in the 1930's. Indeed, public de-
mand is likely to force delivery of first-class
(Continued on page 58)

The family cruiser the privately owned small plane

Photos courtesy of Aftation News

Interior view of the small commercial plane which could serve little towns

AIRCRAFT TO FIT VARYING POSTWAR NEEDS

The big, fast plane for long distance travel with few stops

Cabin comfort for distance and international travel

mail by air to all the places where it can
be flown. Increasingly, mail probably will be
handled at towns and villages by passenger
planes using a device enabling them to pick
up and drop mail sacks while traveling at
high speeds. Mail also will be carried by
helicopter buses.

Express and Local Planes

The public will be served by several
different types of aircraft. Probably most
of the travel between large cities will be
in planes seating from forty to sixty persons,
or two and three times greater than the
capacity of the famous DC-3, now the
standard type of inter-city service. In the
first decade after the war, block speeds
will average around 200 to 250 miles an
hour. Most of these planes will carry some
express. There will be bigger planes seating
over one hundred passengers for long dis-
tance travel with few stops. Planes with
pressurized cabins will travel above 10,000
feet, with block speeds of 250 miles or more
an hour. These planes will go from coast
to coast in a day or a night with two to
four stops en route, and at a cost below
that of Pullman travel today. Smaller cities
will be served by planes seating twenty or
twenty-five persons, and the very small
places by slower planes carrying a dozen or
fifteen.

In the first postwar decade hundreds,
rather than thousands, of planes will be re-
quired to handle the expected domestic
traffic not enough to keep many mass
production airplane factories busy. In
1942, 176 planes averaged 8,400,000 pas-
senger miles per plane a year. The plane is
a very efficient carrier because of its speed.
But the plane is more suitable for frequent
service with small loads than for large loads
and less frequent schedules. Where the
traffic is heavy, as between New York and
Washington, planes may leave every few
minutes.

The estimate of 7,000,000,000 passenger
air miles by the latter part of the first post-
war decade is an estimate based upon the
projection of trends. Actually the number
will be above or below 7,000,000,000, de-
pending on the state of the business cycle.
There undoubtedly will be business de-
pressions following World War II. De-
pressions followed the first World War, the
Civil War, the Napoleonic wars. We cer-
tainly do not yet know how to prevent
depressions under our existing system
without resorting to war. The first postwar
decade after World War I was one of
growth of income of about 3 percent a year.
These were prosperous years, but the second
decade witnessed no growth of income at
all. Instead, there were the depressions of
the 1930's. It may very well be that the
growth of aviation will be slowed up mark-
edly by a business depression somewhere
along the line in the first two postwar
decades. But aviation should continue to
grow for a half century at least. The rail-
roads grew in number of passengers car-
ried for three quarters of a century. After
sixty years of growth, telephone expansion
has not ceased, nor automobile expansion
after forty years.
During this future period of aviation de-

velopment and growth, the costs should
work downward. How far down they may
go is the question. Many observers think 3
cents a mile (in money of present purchas-
ing power) may be reached within a
decade, or shortly thereafter. It seems
doubtful whether the cost will go as low as
2.5 cents a mile. It does not appear that
aviation will ever be as cheap as bus trans-
portation, though, of course, such a sweep-
ing prediction is unsafe in view of the un-
known technological future. With rates of
3 or 2.5 cents a mile, the total annual
passenger miles might reach 15,000,000,000.
However, it must be remembered that
twenty-five years after World War II ends,
our population will have stopped increas-
ing, unless we take down the bars to im-
migration or do what no nation ever yet
has done reverse a declining birthrate.

These estimates of lowered costs are
made on the expectation of technological
improvements in engines, propellers, body
design, fuels, and assisted take-offs. Jet pro-
pulsion may be used by or before the
second postwar decade for flights of suffi-
cient distance for high altitude travel, possi-
bly in combination with propellers.

Cargo Carriers

. It is more difficult to predict the future
transportation of cargo. The obstacle is
solely one of price, for the war has demon-
strated that there are no mechanical bar-
riers. At present, the rate for cargo is nearly
the same as the passenger rate assuming
200 pounds per passenger and baggage.
Although this rate includes ground han-
dling charges, it is a very high rate for
general cargo. Yet the airlines were not
making money up until World War II, but
were aided by the government.

The rates for cargo from door to door
are expected to drop to 50 and then to 30
cents a ton-mile when cargo is carried on
the same planes with passengers. In all-
cargo planes, the rates should be several
cents lower. But even at these expected
rates, competition with the railroads is not
likely to be very successful. The rail express
rate is about 10 to 11 cents a mile for long
hauls. Rail freight rates are about 1.5 or
2 cents a ton-mile. But even at the present
high rates, air cargo has had a rapid ex-
pansion. This has been due mainly to the
phenomenon of emergency orders. In addi-
tion there will be increasing use of air
transport for some goods with a high value
per pound, even without the emergency
factor jewels, motion picture films, furs,
luxury clothing, for example. And in parts
of South America and Africa which lack
railroad and highway facilities, the cargo
plane has shown vast possibilities as a com-
mon carrier in such regions.

Aviation leaders realize the great poten-
tialities in air cargo. It is freight that sup-
ports the railroads. But the great volumes
of possible cargo will not be transferred
to the air unless the rates can be brought
down very low. Many studies have been
made by various sources attempting to find
out how low future air cargo rates may
fall. Not many have been able to predict
rates as low as 15 cents a ton-mile from
airport to airport. Yet there are some stu-

dents who profess to see a rate of 5 cents.
Contract rates and large volumes of cargo
may bring large reductions. In the foresee-
able future, air cargo is expected to be
confined mainly to express shipments, ex-
cept in cases of emergency. One prospect
is that perishable fruits and vegetables will
be shipped by air from the Pacific Coast
to eastern markets.

International Travel

The future of international air passenger
travel is quite bright, but not for foreign
air cargo. The airplane saves a great amount
of time on the long distances from the
United States to Europe, to South America
and the Orient, as compared to water travel.
It is difficult to see how the passenger rates
in the postwar decade can be on a sound
economic basis under 5 cents a mile. Yet
Pan American Airways is advertising future
trips to Hawaii at 4 cents a mile and to
South America at 3.5 cents. Of course, other
factors than costs affect prices. Under con-
ditions of cut-throat competition among
the railroads, the orice charged at one time
for travel from New York to Chicago by
rail was $1 for the whole journey. With
governmental ownership and "favored in-
struments," national rivalries may mean
very low priced, subsidized travel.

Transatlantic passenger travel is the
largest international market for American
airlines. With the cessation of immigration,
however, the volume of transatlantic travel
is not as large as once it was. There were
500,000 to 600,000 first and second-class
tourist and cabin passengers a year before
the war in this zone. This was some 10,000
a week and could be carried by a dozen or
so of the projected DC-7's with a seating
capacity of 108 apiece, making the trip
across in fifteen hours. With this business
divided among aviation companies of the
United States, France, Britain and other
countries, the amount of traffic for any one
nation would be comparatively small.

But international travel is expected to in-
crease in volume because of the shortened
time necessary for the trip. A journey to
Europe by ocean liner and back takes ten
or eleven days. By air, less than two days
is required. Here we see aviation's greatest
asset, speed and saving of time. Traveling
by air, one can spend eleven or twelve days
of a two-week vacation in Europe. Buyers
and sellers and other business executives
can go to foreign areas without too much
loss of time from their offices at home.
Aviation will create perhaps as much traf-
fic as it will take away from ships by the
end of the first decade, assuming good
business conditions.

If a million passengers a year were car-
ried on international routes, that would be
only about one quarter of the passengers
carried in the 'United States in 1942 by
domestic airlines. The travel across the
North Atlantic has been more than half of
the total transoceanic travel between the
United States and other nations. Greater
expansion rates are expected for air travel
to Latin America and to the Orient in the
postwar decades. However, there are few
data on which to make quantitative esti-
mates. The speed and time-saving make

SURVEY GRAPHIC

aviation companies quite optimistic about
the future volume of international air travel.
But it should be recalled that a vacation
trip to Europe still will require several
hundred more dollars than most persons
now spend on their vacations in this coun-
try.

The airplane is free from the barriers of
water and land and can follow the great
circle routes which give the shortest dis-
tance between any two cities. Since we are
accustomed to thinking in terms of land
and water travel, some of the great circle
routes are startling to us. For instance, in
traveling from this country to Moscow we
save time by going across the Arctic near
the North Pole. The shortest route to
Shanghai takes us across Alaska. Since air-
lines need passengers, they are more likely
to fly over areas where the population is
dense rather than follow the great circle
routes. We shall probably go to the Philip-
pines via Alaska and the shores of Japan
and China, not only because it is shorter
than going across the ocean but also be-
cause there will be more passengers along
the rim of North America and Eastern
Asia than across the great stretches of the
Pacific.

The ocean steamship companies are in
danger of losing a very large part of their
first and second class passengers; and, if
air rates are 3.5 cents a mile, of losing their
third class passengers also. It is difficult to
see how the ships can retain these pas-
sengers. The appeal of their services reached
its zenith in the floating hotels such as the
"Queen Mary." But these ships were ex-
pensive and they were said to have lost
money on every voyage when depreciation
is taken into consideration. It is question-
able whether any more such huge luxury
liners will be built.

There will be some travelers who will
prefer the leisure of an ocean voyage,
especially if the cost is less than by air.
Such voyages are likely to be on ships
smaller- than the luxury liners and less
speedy. Development of a fast, medium-
sized vessel that would carry passengers
more cheaply than the planes, would help
retain passengers for water-borne craft. On
the other hand, it does not seem probable
that the airplane will take much cargo
traffic away from steamships, and at only
about a cent a ton-mile, this is the most
profitable end of the shipping business.

Family Planes and Helicopters

The greatest non-military use of the air-
plane up to the present has been to trans-
port passengers. Most observers, however,
expect that after the war there will be many
private planes, carrying from two to six
persons as does the private automobile. At
the beginning of the war, there were 25,000
small planes owned by private individuals.
How many private planes will there be
in the first postwar decade and beyond?

The most common predictions are that
there will be several hundred thousand
privately owned small planes within a very
few years after the war. Many returning
soldiers will want to fly. A large market
for small planes would give jobs to veterans.

Photos courtesy Aviation News

Cargo carrying planes of today. Above, loading army equipment for transportation
by air; below, unloading the first cargo of fruit to be flown from coast to coast

The number purchased may be three or
four hundred thousand; but, if so, it is
possible that not more than fifty to one
hundred thousand will find much use. In
other words, there seems likely to be a
boom and a collapse.

This unpopular viewpoint is based upon
several factors. The market for the small
plane will be largely among those who can
buy both a plane and an automobile, a rela-
tively small group in the high income class.
The costs of flying are around five to ten
dollars an hour, with limited flying time
and high insurance rates. Another draw-
back is the scarcity of landing fields and
their distance from ultimate destinations.
Even if many thousands of landing places

were constructed and planes developed
which could land and take-off in a few
hundred feet, there still would not be
enough landing places to reduce satisfac-
torily the inconveniences.

The future of private flying is 'expected
to lie with the helicopter rather than with
the plane. Technically, the plane is suited
to wide-open, flat spaces. Yet it is where
people live that the demand exists. The
helicopter is much better adapted to densely
populated areas, since it can descend and
ascend vertically, except in high altitudes.
But the helicopter, as a usable invention, is
only six years old, and it takes a long time
to develop a complex invention for general
(Continued on page 76)

FEBRUARY '.945

Postwar Taxes and Full Employment

With the nation tax-conscious as never before, there is widespread
interest in proposed programs for government financing after the war.

MABEL NEWCOMER

POSTWAR TAX PLANNING HAS BECOME A
popular pastime in the United States. New
suggestions turn up in the newspapers al-
most daily; and many easy-to-read pam-
phlets, in gay covers to attract the layman,
offer comprehensive tax programs.

The reason for this new interest and ac-
tivity is clear. The war tax burden has
reached unprecedented levels. During the
first World War tax rates went almost as
high as rates today; but the exemptions also
were high. In consequence, four fifths of
our families paid no income tax. Today,
fewer than one fifth escape taxation. In the
peak year of the first World War, total
yields of all federal taxes did not reach
$6,000,000,000. In 1944, they came to $44,-
000,000,000. Thus it is not surprising that
the nation has become tax conscious, as
never before.

Despite colossal war taxes, the larger
part of war costs are being met from bor-
rowed funds. Even at current levels, tax
revenues have not covered half of our pres-
ent expenditures. But since approximately
nine tenths of federal expenditures are for
the prosecution of the war, they will fall
sharply when the war is ended. We shall
not need to equal current yields to balance
postwar budgets.

After the first World War we enjoyed
successive tax reductions. Owing to greatly
curtailed spending and a rising national in-
come, we were able not only to balance
budgets but to make substantial reductions
in the national debt. In some years, tax re-
ductions were actually accompanied by ris-
ing yields. Many tax authorities anticipate
that this experience may be repeated.

Before attempting to weigh the merits of
definite proposals which have been made
for tax reduction, it is important te con-
sider postwar aims. Taxes are levied pri-
marily to meet government costs. But
should we attempt merely to balance war
budgets, or should we provide in addition
for systematic reduction of war debts? To
answer this question wisely, the effect of
debt reduction on the one hand, and deficits
on the other, must be weighed. Obviously,
national financing on present or any pre-
dictable future levels will have a profound
effect on the entire economy. The ideal of
an earlier generation of economists the
"neutral" tax system which does not inter-
fere with business activity or the distribu-
tion of wealth is clearly not attainable.

To be realistic it is important to recog-
nize that the tax system has become an im-
portant instrument for stabilizing or dis-
turbing the national economy. If the ac-
cepted goal of full employment and a stable
and expanding economy is to be attained,
taxes must be shaped to that end. If, in
addition, we wish to establish a minimum

Chairman of the department of eco-
nomics at Vassar College, U. S. State
Department representative at the recent
conference at Bretton Woods, Mabel
Newcomer for years has been an author-
ity on taxation. She has served on many
state committees on fiscal policies, and
in 1941-42 worked with the U. S.
Treasury Department. Miss Newcomer
has written many articles and books on
tax problems.

acceptable standard of living for all, that
too must be taken into account.

New Levels of Spending

An estimate of government costs is the
foundation of any specific program. Ex-
penditures in the late nineteen-thirties, re-
garded at the time as extravagantly high,
ranged from seven to eight billion dollars.
A substantial part of these costs was for
work relief an expense we hope to escape
after this war through high levels of em-
ployment. But, even so, we shall be faced
with other new high costs. In spite of our
success in keeping interest rates low, after
the war the total interest charges on the
debt alone will be almost as great as was
the entire cost of the national government
in prewar years. Then, too, there will cer-
tainly be an enlarged military establishment
to maintain along with unprecedented ex-
penditures for the assistance of war vet-
erans. As experience after previous wars
has shown, these and other factors will pre-
vent national expenditures from returning
to prewar levels. Usually the postwar mini-
mum has been three or four times the pre-
war standard.

Postwar tax plans offered to date estimate
government costs varying from $12 to $38
billions, excluding debt retirement and
social security payments. The minimum
estimate is clearly unrealistic, since it pro-
vides for no expansion over prewar (1938)
expenditures, except the necessarily greater
interest charge on the debt. The larg-
est estimate is made only for the im-
mediate postwar years, with their continu-
ing high military costs, rather than for the
normal period.

Tax Cuts and Debts

The more carefully formulated plans
have much in common. All emphasize the
importance of high levels of income and
employment; all outline a federal tax system
that will yield from three to five times as
much as that in the prewar period; but all
provide for more drastic tax cuts than are
consistent with any systematic reduction of
the debt.

In none is debt reduction regarded as an

end in itself. Any substantial reduction of
the debt, resulting from an excess of tax
collections over current government ex-
penditures, would tend to decrease purchas-
ing power. And while such action is urged
by some tax planners as a healthy check on
too rapid business expansion and inflation,
it is assumed that periods of excess revenue
will alternate with deficits. For with any
slackening in business activity it is im-
portant, according to the same theory, that
government spending should exceed tax col-
lections. Most of the plans assume a bal-
anced budget only at a high level of em-
ployment; and since we shall probably fall
short of this level more often than we
shall exceed it, there is a tacit assumption
that there will be a long time upward trend
in debts, rather than a reduction.

An extensive public works program is
not included in any of the various postwar
tax plans. The assumption is that such a
program will be needed only in periods of
extensive unemployment, and that then it
is important to expand purchasing power
through deficit spending. As a matter of
fact, not all of the tax planners subscribe to
the principle of deficit spending for public
works, though those most opposed are even
more disturbed by high taxes. While they
favor drastic cuts in future government
spending, they are unable to face the tax
bill required for a genuine program of debt
reduction.

Four Programs

So much for generalizations regarding
the approach of the tax planners. What
are some of the postwar tax plans which
are receiving the widest publicity and most
serious consideration? There is the so-called
Twin Cities plan, put forward by the Twin
Cities (St. Paul and Minneapolis) Research
Bureau under the title of "Postwar Taxes:
a Realistic Approach to the Problem of Fed-
eral Taxation." There is the plan offered
by the Committee for Economic Develop-
ment "A Postwar Federal Tax Plan for
High Employment." There is the proposal
by Beardsley Ruml and H. C. Sonne, "Fis-
cal and Monetary Policy," sponsored by the
National Planning Association. And there
is the plan of Prof. Alvin H. Hansen and
his associate, Harvey S. Perloff, "State and
Local Finance in the National Economy."

In these four plans, estimates of postwar
expenditures range from $16 to $23 billions
again excluding social security costs and
debt retirement. Such estimates mean that,
if budgets are to be balanced in the postwar
period, the federal tax system must produce
from three to five times as much as in the
prewar period, though perhaps not more
than half of what it yields at present. If
we were to maintain current tax rates and

SURVEY GRAPHIC

current levels of income, we could effect a
substantial reduction of the debt. But, while
all these tax plans emphasize the impor-
tance of maintaining high levels of income
and employment, they provide for drastic
immediate tax reductions rather than any
systematic reduction of the debt.

In all four programs, advocates and op-
ponents of deficit spending alike consider
that the primary objective of the tax system
in the immediate postwar period should be
to promote high levels of employment or at
least to restrict industry as little as possible.
All are agreed that this approach would re-
sult in substantial tax reduction. There is
further agreement that tax revenue should
be adequate, and that adequacy means pro-
tection of government credit rather than
regularly balanced budgets.

However, there is wide difference of
opinion among proponents of the four plans
when they come to the question as to which
taxes to reduce to achieve their objectives.
Today, the personal income tax provides
$18 of the |44 billions of federal tax reve-
nues. In all four plans this amount would
be substantially reduced, although, except
in the Twin Cities program, the personal
income tax is retained as the principal
source of revenue in accordance with the
stated objective that taxes should meet the
test of ability to pay.

Twin Cities Plan: The Twin Cities com-
mittee urges long time planning for debt
reduction and at the same time offers a tax
program that would cut current yields more
than half. The committee places the en-
couragement of "venture capital" first in its
list of tax objectives, and argues that "to a
large extent, venture capital comes from the

Major Postwar
Tax Plans

Area of agreement: Drastic tax reduc-
tion, including repeal of excess profits
tax.

Twin Cities Plan: Retention of corpora-
tion income tax of 40 percent. Drastic
reduction in personal income tax. Intro-
duction of 5 percent retail sales tax.

CED Plan: Reduction of corporation
income tax to 16 to 20 percent and
crediting of such taxes to stockholders'
personal income taxes. Moderate reduc-
tion of personal income tax. Repeal of
all consumption taxes except those on
liquor, tobacco, and gasoline.

Ruml-Sonne Plan: Reduction of cor-
poration income tax to 5 percent of
distributed income and 16 percent of
undistributed income. Moderate reduc-
tion of personal income tax. Repeal of
all consumption taxes except those on
liquor, tobacco, and gasoline.

Hamen-Perloff Plan: Alternative plans
for corporation income tax providing
only moderate reduction. Moderate re-
duction of personal income tax with in-
creased rates in periods of boom and
decreased rates in periods of slump.
Reduction of liquor and tobacco taxes
and repeal of all other excises.

individual with a surplus." From this it
follows that reduction of income taxes,
through increased exemptions and par-
ticularly through reduced surtax rates is
necessary. Therefore, in contrast to other
plans, the committee proposes to reduce per-
sonal income taxes more than corporation
taxes.

As a matter of fact, in recent years much
of the saving that has gone directly into
industrial expansion has been done by cor-
porations. Private individuals with large in-
comes have invested increasingly in tax-
exempt state and local bonds. It is possible
that they could be lured back to private in-
vestment channels if there were drastic tax
reductions. A more direct approach to end-
ing discrimination against industrial invest-
ment would be to abolish tax exemption for
government bonds; this would put competi-
tion between the two kinds of investment
on a more equitable basis. The Twin Cities
group does not propose this obvious
measure urged in most of the other tax
plans although it alone has placed the en-
couragement of .venture capital first on its
list of objectives. In this plan, as in the
others, the corporation income tax remains
at present levels. It is proposed to repeal
the excess profits tax. The latter measure
should offer some encouragement to venture
capital.

The Twin Cities committee does not
mention an equitable distribution of the
tax burden as an important objective. Cer-
tainly its proposals would not achieve tax
justice, for any benefit that low income
families might derive from the proposal to
increase personal income tax exemptions
would be offset by the accompanying pro-
posal for a 5 percent consumption tax. The
real beneficiaries of such tax reduction
would be the well-to-do. In sum, the pro-
posals fall far short of our standards of
equity, would, probably be quite inadequate
for postwar needs, and make little contribu-
tion to the problem of maintaining high
levels of employment.

CED Plan: The Committee for Economic
Development offers a more defensible pro-
gram to achieve its stated objectives the
least possible restriction on production and
employment, fair distribution of the tax
burden, and adequacy of taxes. The CED
proposes to repeal the excess profits tax and
to cut the rate of the present corporation
income tax of 40 percent in half. It would
permit individuals to deduct their propor-
tionate share of the corporation tax from
the normal tax on dividend income, thus
doing away with the double taxation now
existing. It would provide moderate reduc-
tions in both the personal income tax and
in consumption taxes. And it would sub-
ject the interest from state and municipal
bonds to taxation like other income.

This plan as a whole achieves substantial
equity, first by equalizing the taxes on in-
come from private and government se-
curities, and second by depending on a
highly progressive personal income tax for
more than half of the federal revenues. It
encourages continued business activity, prin-
cipally through substantial reductions in
business and consumption taxes.

Ruml-Sonne Plan: The primary objective
of the Ruml-Sonne plan is "high employ-
ment under private enterprise." It assumes
that the budget will be balanced at a high
level of employment, estimated to be 55,-
000,000 workers regularly employed, and a
national income of |140 billions. When
employment and income rise above this
level, it is assumed that the tax system will
yield a surplus which can be applied to re-
duction of the debt. When income and em-
ployment fall below this level, deficit fi-
nancing will be resorted to rather than new
taxes.

While the Ruml-Sonne plan is similar to
that of the CED, it makes an even more
drastic reduction in corporation taxes. In
addition to abolishing the excess profits tax,
it proposes to reduce the corporation in-
come tax to 5 percent of distributed income,
as compared with the present 40 percent.
Unlike the CED plan, it does not provide
for deduction of this sum from personal in-
come taxes. The retention of earnings by
corporations would be penalized through a
tax of 16 percent on undistributed profits.

Hansen-Perloff Plan: The Hansen-Perloff
plan goes even farther than the Ruml-
Sonne plan in relating taxes and employ-
ment. It provides for variable income tax
rate scales the rates to be increased in pe-
riods of boom and decreased in periods of
depression. It also makes greater reductions
in consumption and personal income taxes
than do the other plans, but leaves the cor-
poration income tax relatively high. It is
designed, more than the others, to use the
tax system as an instrument for controlling
business fluctuations.

In addition to these four major plans
there are several others that should be men-
tioned. The recommendations offered by
Prof. Harold M. Groves of the University
of Wisconsin do not differ greatly from
those of the CED. The Chamber of Com-
merce of the United States, in its "referen-
dum No. 79 of Organization Members on
Proposed Declaration of Policy," urges "a
balanced budget providing for debt retire-
ment . . . ," but accompanies this with
the statement that "high rates of tax . . .
cannot be continued in the postwar transi-
tion or in time of peace without disastrous
effects upon the national economy."

Two other planners who propose the
lowest postwar budgets of all Prof. Fred
Rogers Fairchild of Yale with a $13 bil-
lion budget and Prof. Harley Leist Lutz of
Princeton with a $14 billion budget allow
one billion dollars a year for debt reduction.
But with a probable debt of $300 billions
such suggestions can hardly be considered a
serious effort to cope with the debt problem.
Any realistic attempt to pay off the debt
would demand that taxes of wartime mag-
nitude be retained for some years to come.

Weighing These Proposals

Judging from these plans and others
which have been suggested, it seems prob-
able that the federal tax system will be re-
vised in the immediate postwar period so as
to cut tax yields by at least one half. The
postwar level of yields, however, will pre-
sumably be at least double what it was in

FEBRUARY 1945

the prewar years. On two other points
there seems to be complete agreement
among these tax planners that the excess
profits tax should be abolished and that
personal income tax rates should be dras-
tically reduced from high war levels. There
is considerable divergence as to how the
proposed reductions should be made. Some
planners would make the more drastic cuts
in the personal income tax, others in cor-
poration taxes, and still others in consump-
tion taxes.

Weighing the proposals, there is evidence
that the suggested reductions are too large
rather than too small. We have no assur-
ance that the high levels of employment
and income assumed for balancing budgets
will be attained. Those who would use
deficit spending as a device for stimulating
employment are consistent in this. They
doubtless expect a gradually rising debt,
although they have not all made this ex-
pectation clear. Those who are not con-
vinced that deficit spending will prove a
broad highway to prosperity have been un-
willing to face the fact that the only real
alternative is continued heavy taxes. In-
stead they have indulged in wishful think-
ing on the possibilities of reduced govern-
ment spending.

After the first World War we were able
to reduce taxes and debts at the same time,
thanks to expanding business activity.
While it is to be hoped that this experience
may be repeated, taxes cannot be reduced
to the level of the nineteen-twenties. The
choice is between taxes heavy enough to
balance budgets or a mounting debt. If
the first choice should prove a serious brake
on business activity, the mounting debt
might be the lesser evil.

It is important for planners to recognize,
however, that it is easier to check inflation
through heavy taxes than it is to check
deflation through tax reduction. The mere
lowering of business taxes in periods of
business uncertainty will not necessarily
turn the tide. Merely to have funds avail-
able for investment will not bring business
expansion, if the outlook for profits is poor.

Incentive Taxation

Taxes can be used as an incentive to busi-
ness enterprise as well as a damper to it.

The excess profits tax is supposed to dis-
courage venture capital but it may encour-
age certain activities that make new de-
velopments possible. For instance, under a
90 percent profits tax a firm can afford to
expand research activities that bring no im-
mediate return, since such expenditures will
be more at the expense of government tax
collections than of stockholders' profits, just
as under a 90 percent personal income tax,
wealthy individuals can afford to indulge in
extensive philanthropies at little cost to
themselves. Also, a firm subject to high
profits taxes can afford to take risks. For
while profits resulting from some new ven-
ture go largely to the government, so on the
other hand potential losses may be charged
against profits elsewhere in the business.

The director of War Mobilization and
Reconversion, James F. Byrnes, in his re-
port to the President and Congress on Janu-
ary 1, urges for the period immediately
following the European war several changes
in federal corporation taxes, including more
generous depreciation allowances, accelera-
tion of the process of postwar tax refunds,
and an increase in the specific exemption
for the excess profits tax. The purpose of
these changes is to stimulate business ex-
pansion and employment in the reconver-
sion period. They are recommended, that
is, as a form of incentive taxation.

Mr. Byrnes, like most of those who have
urged incentive taxation, is talking in terms
of reduced rates and increased exemptions.
True incentive taxation, however, demands
positive action, and increasing and detailed
government direction of business activity.
Germany used incentive taxation with suc-
cess in the middle Thirties to promote em-
ployment and encourage heavy war indus-
tries. But in this country this development
would not be welcomed by the proponents
of free enterprise; and it is significant that
few of the tax plans even use. the phrase.

Business Cycle Control

Taxation is at best a clumsy device for
controlling the business cycle. Controls de-
mand quick action, and tax bills go through
Congress slowly. Moreover, collections lag
behind legislation. For the tax system to
become an effective instrument of control,
it would be necessary to grant administra-

Estimated Yields of Proposed Plans

Compared With Present Taxes*

Billions of Dollars

Tax

Federal
Revenue
1943-44

Twin
Cities

CED

Ruml
Sonne

Hansen-
Perloff

Personal income
Corporation, including renegotiation
Estate and gift
Consumption and miscellaneous

Total

18.6
17.1
.5
4.3

5.0
5.0
.5

7.5

10.9
2.1
.9
4.5

13.0
1.0
.5
3.5

9.8
4.0-4.5
1.2
3.0

40.5 18.0

18.4

and omitt
yields of

18.0

ng some
the four

18.0-18.5

of the alterna-
programs are

"These are estimates for normal years, excluding payroll taxes,
lives offered. If these variations and omissions arc included the
from $16 to $23 billions.

tive officials wide discretionary powers. The
Hansen-Perloff plan proposes this that per-
sonal income tax rates be adjusted up and
down, with business recovery and recession.
And it is possible that Congress would be
willing to delegate limited power to ad-
ministrative officials for this purpose. Such
action has already been taken with regard
to changes in tariff rates under the Recip-
rocal Trade Agreement Act. Although
traditionally jealous of its tax powers, Con-
gress may be glad to shift some of the re-
sponsibility; but we cannot count on it.

In the immediate postwar period the
greatest risk might lie in reducing taxes too
soon, with the possibility of inflationary
rather than deflationary conditions. War-
time taxes which put a curb on spending are
one of the controls that must be continued
as long as the conditions warrant. [See
"Taxes Are Good for You" by Harvey S.
Perloff. Survey Graphic, March 1943.]

The present tax system offers many forms
of assistance for reconversion. The con-
cern that loses money is not required to pay
either the excess profits or the income tax.
Moreover, there is provision for rapid
amortization of emergency facilities. Ten
percent of the excess profits tax will be re-
turned for purposes of reconversion. Under
the two-year carry-back provision, as much
of the taxes paid in the immediately preced-
ing years will be refunded as is necessary to
offset losses and provide normal returns.

The number and value of these aids in
present legislation have not always been
fully recognized; but the unprecedented
size of corporate reserves today testifies to
the fact that the tax laws have made sub-
stantial allowance for the reconversion pe-
riod. If business has the markets that only
full employment can provide, even the pres-
ent level of taxes would not prove unduly
restrictive.

Tax Justice

In our preoccupation with business cycle
control it is important that we do not for-
get principles of equity. To this end, we
should not continue to tolerate tax exemp-
tion for interest on state and local bonds,
nor discrimination, in personal income
taxes, against the residents of "non-com-
munity property" states. Today, in states
with community property laws, husband
and wife may make separate returns even
though the income is earned entirely by
the husband. Thus a salary of $20,000 must
be reported as a $20,000 income in New
York, a non-community property state, but
may be reported as two $10,000 incomes in
California, a community property state. The
tax in the former case is very much higher.

To achieve a system based on ability to
pay, a highly progressive personal income
tax should be retained as a basic federal tax,
and consumption taxes should be reduced
to a minimum. Such a tax system meets
the requirements of economic democracy,
and at the same time it adjusts quickly and
automatically to the exigencies of the busi-
ness cycle.

A tax system based on ability to pay will
inevitably produce large revenues in times
of rising incomes, thus offering a check on
(Continued on page 79)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Luis Munoz Marin, the leader of Puerto Rico's Popular Democratic Party, speaking at a back country rally

Clean Sweep in Puerto Rico

From this Caribbean territory, following the November election, come new demands
for self-government and bold plans for economic progress and social betterment.

MARJORIE R. CLARK

THE NEW DEAL PROGRAM, IN ECLIPSE IN
the United States, received enthusiastic and
overwhelming endorsement in the Puerto
Rican election in November. In the con-
tinental press, Rexford Tugwell's presence
in the island as governor explains the pres-
ence of the New Deal there. Actually, how-
ever, the program is that of Luis Munoz
Mann and the Popular Democratic Party.
Governor Tugwell's contribution has been
chiefly encouragement and advice.

A surprisingly peaceful election resulted
in victory for the Popular Democrats by
a majority which literally wiped out one
of the three opposition parties the Liberal
Party and left the others almost without
representation in the government. The
Popular Democratic Party, which, lacking
a majority in the past four years, depended
upon Liberal Party support in the insular
legislature, now has no opposition whatever.
Of the 19 senate seats, it won 16; of the
39 seats in the lower house, it won 38.
There are 77 municipalities in Puerto Rico,
and 74 of them elected Popular Demo-
cratic governments. Even San Juan, tra-
ditionally Union Republican, went to the
Popular Democrats.

In the coming four years, too, the insu-
lar government will be represented in
Washington by a Popular Democrat, Jesus
Pifiero, the newly elected resident com-
missioner, who is one of the most stable
and responsible men in the party. Bolivar
Pagan who, as resident commissioner since
1940 did everything possible to discredit the
insular government in Washington, suc-
ceeded in winning one of the three Opposi-
tion seats in the insular senate.

The Campaign in the Island

The campaign and election were much
more orderly than anyone expected. Al-

By an associate professor of economics
at the University of Puerto Rico. For-
merly with the Federal Housing Author-
ity and, earlier, the Farm Security Ad-
ministration in Washington, Miss Clark
was for some time consultant to the
Housing Authority in Puerto Rico.
Survey Graphic readers will recall her
description of war's impact on the island,
"Turmoil in Puerto Rico," December,
1942.

though violence was generally predicted,
"incidents" throughout the campaign were
few and unimportant. Threats of violence
were made, and "plots" discovered from
time to time, but they came to nothing.

The system of voting in Puerto Rico is
unique, and seems fraud-proof. Voters
were required to be in their voting places
before one o'clock on November 7. At
that hour the doors were locked, and voting
began. Each voter was called in alpha-
betical order, identified himself in a rather
elaborate fashion, and received his ballot.
Specially named "governor's representa-
tives" were sent to all parts of the island
to answer questions and adjust disputes.

In effect, voters could vote either for or
against the Popular Democratic Party,
which stood for a continuation of its eco-
nomic and social program begun in 1940.
The program of the Opposition parties was
the simple one of opposition. They never
formulated any other.

Any election in Puerto Rico must be con-
sidered from the point of view of its effect
upon the two great problems of Puerto
Rico the political problem of status, or
relationship to the United States, and the

FEBRUARY 1945

economic problem of how the island can
support its dense and rapidly increasing
population.

Munoz Mann tried to convince voters
that the election related only to the eco-
nomic issue; that the question of political
status was not involved, and that a vote
for the Popular Democratic Party was not
a vote for independence. The opposition
parties, on the contrary, insisted that a
Popular Democratic victory would mean
an immediate move to free Puerto Rico
from the United States. In large part the
campaign of the Opposition candidate for
resident commissioner, for example, was
made "to keep the American flag flying in
Puerto Rico."

The 500 Acre Law

But the first question raised by the elec-
tion is how the government will act to
better economic conditions in the island.
The main outlines of the economic program
are clear, and are already embodied in the
legislation of the past four years. Its two
basic proposals are to increase and redis-
tribute the income from land, and to in-
dustrialize the island. Of the two the lat-
ter is now, at least, much more important
economically, although the land program
has political appeal which makes it an
essential part of any planning for the fu-
ture.

The land program so far has been
largely one of redistribution. Within the
near future, however, the government pro-

- poses to establish an Agricultural Develop-
ment Company to encourage more efficient
and more diversified land use.

Even when Puerto Rico became part of
the United States in 1898, land ownership
was concentrated in relatively few hands.
Congress in 1900 adopted a joint resolu-
tion later known as the 500 Acre Law
which prohibited any corporation from
owning or controlling more than 500 acres
of land. Ignored for forty years, this law
was made operative in 1941 when the in-
sular legislature was authorized by the
Supreme Court of the United States to
establish the method by which the joint
resolution would be put into effect. Three
methods of land distribution are provided
under the Land Act of 1941: outright gift
of one quarter of an acre to any agricul-
tural worker or agregado in the island;
sale or lease of family sized farms (5 to
25 acres); lease of proportional benefit
farms (100 to 500 acres) to agronomists or
experienced farmers. In the last case, the
workers on the farms share in the profits
in addition to receiving wages at estab-
lished rates during the year.

Up to last October, 10,716 families of
agricultural workers, representing close to
60,000 persons, had been resettled on small
plots of land. Over 11,000 acres had been
put into use in proportional benefit farms,
which form the heart of the program. The
six farms in operation this year distributed
slightly over $45,000 in proportional bene-
fits to the workers employed, and the Land

Authority claims that sugar on these farms
was grown at less than average cost and
that the yield was higher than average.
This is extremely important since, with so
little land in relation to population, every
acre must be used as fully and as eco-
nomically as possible.

Although the program of industrial de-
velopment has lagged somewhat behind
the land program, it is now well under
way. The Puerto Rico Development Com-
pany was established in 1942, not only to
help private industry, but to initiate and
carry on business for the insular govern-
ment. To make insular government funds
available to the company or to private in-
vestors, the Puerto Rico Development Bank
was created.

New Industries Plans and Projects

As one of its first activities, the Develop-
ment Company initiated a thorough-going
investigation and inventory of the island's
natural resources. That investigation is
still under way, but two new industries
already have been established by the com-
pany itself. A glass container factory is
now going into operation, prepared to sup-
ply a major portion of the bottles needed
in the rum industry. A paper products
factory to make the corrugated paper in
which bottled rum is packed, is nearing
completion. Both will add very materially
to employment and income.

As soon as war conditions permit, the
Puerto Rico Development Company is pre-

Under the six-year plan it is believed that most of the urban slums of which this is typical can be cleared

SURVEY GRAPHIC

pared to build and operate a textile mill to
spin and weave imported cotton (later,
perhaps, it will use the long staple cotton
grown in the island, which is used only
for fine fabrics and requires very skilled
and experienced textile workers); a knit-
ting mill; a plant to manufacture vegetable
fats and oils, primarily from local coconuts;
a wallboard factory, using bagasse (sugar
cane from which the juice has been extrac-
ted); and four plants to make synthetic,
edible yeast, to improve the diet of the
people. In addition, semi-mechanized or
handicraft industries are starting, and the
Development Company already has put on
the market pottery of various kinds, and
furniture.

So far, the emphasis in industrial devel-
opment is clearly on government controlled
and operated industry. This is due in part
to the fact that speed is so essential, for
both political and economic reasons; in
part to the management of the Develop-
ment Company itself; and in part to the
definite leaning of the entire insular ad-
ministration toward government control
of the economic life of the island.

Businessmen are asking whether all in-
dustry is to be socialized; whether taxes
are to be greatly increased; what restric-
tions upon business and industry may be
imposed; into what kinds of industrial
activity the government means to go.
Mufioz Marin has said that he wants in-
creased taxes on corporations, probably
some kind of excess profits tax. It is taken
for granted that existing wage and hour
laws will be liberalized to give workers a
greater share in income. If private capital
is to be utilized in any significant degree
in the' future industrial development of
Puerto Rico, the government will have
either to define much more clearly the
fields into which it means to go, or to
work out some method by which both
government and private investors can unite
in industrial enterprises, with private in-
vestors given some responsibility in man-
agement.

Private capital, however, has been notori-
ously slow to invest in the island except in
sugar and, more recently, in the manufac-
ture of rum.

Even if the newly elected government
were interested in a change in the attitude
of the private investor, it might be im-
possible to attract to industry any appreci-
able amount of private capital until the
question of political status is settled.

The fact that public utilities are already
in large part government owned makes
the industrial program easier. The Water
Resources Authority, an insular government
agency, supplies all power used in Puerto
Rico. The Transportation Authority, an-
other insular agency, owns and operates
the principal bus system in the San Juan
metropolitan area and plans island-wide
transportation as soon as equipment is
available. It expects to build within the
_next six years not only an airport for in-
ternational air service, but local airports
as well. The Communications Authority
now controls the telegraph system and is
about to take over the telephone system.

In the past four years, the government

The Popular Democratic Party invests #20,000 in war bonds. Jesus T. Pinero, Resi-
dent Commissioner in Washington (left), hands the check to a U.S. Treasury official

has quite frankly tried to establish its eco-
nomic program before it faces the enor-
mous social problems of Puerto Rico. In
some part this attitude may have been due
to war restrictions, which made building
impossible, but in larger part it was the
conviction that Puerto Ricans can in the
long run hope only for those social insti-
tutions which they can support. Accord-
ingly, little has been done since 1940 in
housing, education, sanitation, or health.
Now, however, the government proposes
to go ahead as rapidly as possible with a
broad social program.

The Issue of Independence

Meanwhile, within the Popular Demo-
cratic Party itself the issue of status has,
in the weeks since the election, flared into
the open. At least a minority of the party
leaders want independence now, at any
cost, and are already agitating for it.
Mufioz Mann does not belong to this
group. Puerto Rico must wait for inde-
pendence, he insists, until it can be assured
of continued economic help from the
United States, since political independence,
without economic help, would bring only
suffering and starvation to the island. Al-
though he has been careful not to commit
himself, it appears that he favors some
form of qualified or partial independence,
such as dominion or commonwealth status,
which would leave the island free to legis-
late for itself and determine its own future,
but would not break the strong economic
attachment to the United States which has
developed in the last forty-five years.

The issue of status was of course in the
minds of voters at the November election.
Mufioz Mann promised the people to ar-
range, as soon as possible, a vote on the
kind of political status they wanted. Until
that time, he urged that the issue rest.
Nonetheless, the election has resulted in

widespread "jitters" on the question of
status. Many remember the violence of
1936 during which the chief of police lost
his life, and fear something of the same
kind now. "They will kill us in the
streets," one woman cried when she saw
the election returns.

Among business and professional men,
both in and out of the Popular Demo-
cratic Party, there is fear of the Jnde-
pendentistas. If any section of the Puerto
Rican people has adjusted to colonial sta-
tus, it is this group, whose ties with the
United States are close and profitable, and
who intellectually are turning to the con-
tinent as they once turned to Spain.

The immediate question is whether
Mufioz Marin can control the "independ-
ence now at any cost" group within the
party. The very completeness of the
Popular Democratic victory makes this
more difficult, since there is no opposition
from the outside to hold the party together.
There is also the fact that for the defeated
parties, and the interests they represent
chiefly sugar dissension within the Popular
Party ranks becomes extremely important.

The Independentlstas have already shown
that they do not mean to wait. They are
pressing for action now, in a number of
ways. Rafael Arjona Siaca, newly elected
senator and extremely vocal member of
the Popular Democratic Party, declared a
few days after the election in a widely
publicized speech that Puerto Rico must
end at once its humiliating political situa-
tion and become independent. Later, at a
meeting called to hear two Cuban students
who came to the university to speak for
independence, he declared that Puerto Rico
was even now in "full revolt" against its
present colonial status.

The visit of the Cuban students has
assumed the character of an international
(Continued on page 77)

FEBRUARY 1945

"Dad is our pal." When he doesn't have to work at night, he spends his evenings with us

"I like to watch myself grow" at the annual health check-up

"Learning is fun in our school room," thanks to our teacher

These Make Up "My Happy Days"

From a book on normal Negro childhood by Jane Dabney Shaclcelford. Photographs by Cecil Vinson

"What fun we have" in the park across the street from school

These glimpses of the details of wholesome child life are from a book
of alternating photographs and simple text, "My Happy Days"
(Associated Publishers, Inc., Washington, D. C). The book is ad-
dressed to Negro parents as well as to Negro children, but its message
is for all parents and children. "I hope it will establish a pattern that
will be followed in many homes," writes the author, "because we all
realize that strengthening family life is a bulwark of democracy.

''I am proud to be a citizen of the United States"

After a good-night story, "I go to bed with happy thoughts"

LETTERS AND LIFE

To Be Young, Poor, and Black

OUR INDIVIDUAL LIVES, SO IT IS OFTEN SAID,

are subject to three basic influences: our
physical makeup, which provides the main-
spring of our activities; our homes, which
influence their direction; and the social
group, which limits or extends them. It is
to the credit of Richard Wright, who even
as a novelist protests racial discrimination,
that he has recognized these three factors
in his autobiography without becoming
pedantic. ("Black Boy. A Record of Child-
hood and Youth," by Richard Wright.
Harper. $2.50.) In this terrible picture of
life in the United States, in this personal
testimony that, for frankness, makes Rous-
seau's "Confessions" read like a novel of
manners, Mr. Wright has placed the blame
where it belongs. He has not spared himself
in revealing his intractable, unruly nature
as a little boy; he has not recalled his par-
ents in a haze of sentimental nostalgia;
hence his account of what made life in the
South unbearable for a sensitive Negro lad
is many times more convincing than the
furtive development in "Native Son."

For Richard was tense, hypersensitive
from earliest childhood, thus proving anew
that the artist feels more deeply than his
fellows and is more keenly aware and re-
flective by his very physical nature. He
was browbeaten by Negroes before he was
intimidated by whites, and his protest was
the natural reaction of a high-spirited and
intelligent youth against all forms of in-
justice. So this book becomes a unique
record, a story of a black boy's soul as well
as of that ring of discrimination that keeps
the Negroes cowed in the Deep South. It
is a unique supplement to Gunnar Myr-
dahl's comprehensive study, "An Ameri-
can Dilemma," bearing out many of the
scientist's conclusions.

Since practically all autobiographies are
written when the author has reached the
age of reflection, none can escape a certain
amount of adult sophistication. But Mr.
Wright has managed to make his remi-
niscences seem fresh and new by treating
them as episodes, providing a rich succes-
sion of them, and only occasionally com-
menting as an adult.

The Untamable Spirit

He begins by showing what kind of
boy he was temperamentally. At the age of
four in Natchez, he set the house afire in
order to see the curtains burn, despite the
presence of a sick grandmother. He was
punished: "I was lashed so hard and long
that I lost consciousness." A few years later,
in Jackson, Miss., he loitered around sal-
oons, picked up dirty words and scandal-
ized his relatives, who reacted violently.
He joined other children in jeering at Jews,
and his intense curiosity told him much

(All booths

HARRY HANSEN

about sordid relations in shabby houses. He
does not spare himself, and we begin to
see him as intensely nervous, stubborn, tor-
tured in soul and body but keenwitted,
inquisitive, and by no means passive.

The home life Mr. Wright reveals upsets
the conventional belief that poor Negroes
are easy-going, affectionate, and gentle in
family relationships. His mother worked
as a laundress and wept and worried over
her two boys; his father, a Beale Street
drugstore porter, found himself another
woman. His grandmother, white of skin
yet born in slavery, labored hard to help
the handicapped members of her family,
but she was a strict religionist and dis-
ciplinarian. In justice to her and other rel-
atives who browbeat Richard, it must be
admitted that he was a tough proposition;
none knew how to tame this wild one ex-
cept by blows and abuse. Even an aunt,
on becoming his teacher in school, refused
to admit the relationship and treated him
as a culprit.

In later years, Richard began to wonder
at this antagonism among his own. He
"used to mull over the strange absence of
real kindness in Negroes, how unstable
was our tenderness, how lacking in genuine
passion we were, how void of great hope,
how timid our joy, how bare our traditions,
how hollow our memories, how lacking
we were in those intangible sentiments that
bind man to man and how shallow was
even our despair."

For some Negroes the church provides
both a tradition and a social magnet. Rich-
ard was briefly affected by the religious
symbols and the hymns. But he thinks
they came too late (at ten or eleven years!)
in his career; therefore "full emotional and
intellectual belief never came." The lad's
nature was already too skeptical, too in-
quiring; he could not accept beliefs on
faith.

The Day-by-Day Repression

As he grew older, he recognized the
fear that is in the air for the Negro in
the South. Here his testimony is exception-
ally valuable, for while everyone is aware
of the more obvious manifestations of race
discrimination, such as Jim Crow cars and
lynching, we are less familiar with the
insidious, day-by-day repression, which is
implicit in the very attitude of white peo-
ple. Richard was merely a curious boy
when he first saw a Jim Crow car, but he
was older when a classmate lamented the
loss of a brother who had been killed by
whites for "fooling with a white prostitute."
He was to discover, to his own hurt, what
other methods were used.

Young Richard learned that he could
not reply to an employer who corrected
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
68

him; his remarks "indicated a consciousness
on my part that infuriated white people."
Something of this spirit may have been
absorbed by the Negro principal of his
school, who considered it an insult that
Richard should refuse to deliver the vale-
dictory address he had written for the boy.
As a bell boy in a hotel, Richard had to
run errands for white prostitutes; when
they walked about shamelessly in the nude
he was told: "Keep your eyes where they
belong if you want to be healthy!" White
employes of a Memphis company used
devious methods to get two Negro lads to
fight by assuring them separately that each
was out to knife the other. Fortunately
they compromised on a fist fight.

Richard's basic makeup made it impos-
sible for him "to submit and live the life
of a genial slave." He resented the attitude
of the Negro elevator operator who al-
lowed himself to be kicked for a quarter.
He heard Negroes discuss the ways of
white folks toward them, but it led no-
where. Negroes grumbled, cheated, and
stole from their employers. Richard had a
mush and gravy poverty like the rest, but
he had something they lacked the ability
to develop mentally despite all handicaps.

The Spark

And here credit goes to H. L. Mencken
for being the electric spark which spurred
Richard on. Mencken was being denounced
in a Memphis newspaper, probably for
one of his periodic attacks on the South,
when Richard became aware of him. Un-
able to draw books from the public library,
he asked an Irish Catholic to wangle a card.
Then he began reading "Prejudices" and
"A Book of Prefaces," and taking up the
authors Mencken discussed. H. L. Mencken
has electrified many able spirits with his
writings; Richard Wright is only one of
the latest.

It is good for us to learn how a black
boy felt in his growing years. It is good to
know what pulled him out of his difficult
situation. He went North to Chicago
to become an author with a conscience, a
spokesman for justice. Although he has not
told it here, we know that he did not find
complete freedom from racial discrimina-
tion even in the North. But his way was
easier now; he had enough to eat; he could
speak his mind and find listeners.

The book, full of anecdotes as it is, re-
vives our democratic belief that brains may
sprout in the humblest surroundings and
that intellectual courage wins a way. This
personal testimony shows that even trivial
incidents have their bearing on individual
development. But without the sensitive na-
ture that was his, Richard Wright's "scald-
ing experience" would have left him like
be postpaid)

many another black boy of the South, out-
wardly genial, inwardly discontented and
oppressed, unable to find his way out of
the atmosphere that smothered him.

THE UNITED STATES
STUDIES PEACE

THE LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE, by
Ruhl J. Bartlett. University of North Caro-
lina Press. #2.50.

HERE is A FULLY DOCUMENTED HISTORY OF
the League to Enforce Peace, which was
formed shortly after the beginning of the
first World War and which, according to
former President Lowell of Harvard, was
"killed and buried by the Republicans and
President Harding in 1922." The book is
a valuable contribution to today's study of
the techniques of international coopera-
tion, why our predecessors failed, what we
must avoid; and, lest we miss our second
chance, it points to what we must achieve
if we are to have peace.

APPROACHES TO WORLD PEACE:
Fourth Symposium of the Conference of Sci-
ence, Philosophy, and Religion in Their
Relation to the Democratic Way of Life.
Edited by Lyman Bryson, Louis Finkel-
stein, and Robert Maclver. Harper. f5.

A MIGHTY TOME HAS BEEN MADE OF THE

papers discussed at the Fourth Conference
on Science, Philosophy, and Religion, held
in New York City in September, 1943.
Fifty-nine different authorities, representing
fifty-nine approaches to the complex prob-
lems of the present world crisis, have united
in an effort to face the very real crisis in
the field of intelligence and ideas. It is, of
course, of primary value and interest to the
scholar, but the layman would do well to
catch some of the objective and timeless
attitudes brought to this study by these
men of the classical tradition.

AN AMERICAN PEACE, by Neil MacNeii,
Scribner. #2.75.

IN STRONG, CLEAR, CONCISE TERMS, WITH A

terse, effective 'style, Mr. MacNeii calls for
an American peace. But let no one inter-
pret that as an insistence on nationalism. It
is simply this: the United States, having at
last a military strength that matches its re-
sources in industry, having the greatest in-
ternational authority it has ever known,
must take its mature part in building a just
and flexible peace. This peace must be
based on economic solutions of political
problems, for the basic problems are eco-
nomic. Just as this country once wrote the
Bill of Rights, so it must write an Eco-
nomic Bill of Rights, wherein there shall
be access to raw materials and markets for
all. Without such an Economic Bill of
Rights, Mr. MacNeii feels "there is little
hope for a realistic peace."

FOREIGN POLICY BEGINS AT HOME,
by James P. Warburg. Harcourt, Brace.
#2.50.

MR. WARBURG HAS WRITTEN A MOST INTER-
estingly condensed history of American
foreign and domestic policy, showing that
the two are closely interdependent. With
this factual knowledge at hand, the Amer-

"A clear, vigorous,
courageous book."

The Nation

Foreign Policy
Begins at Home

By JAMES P. WARBURG

N. Y. HERALD TRIBUNE: "Thorough-going and
thought-provoking. To maintain and extend
democracy, citizens must therefore exercise their
right to determine the broad shape of the nation's
policies; and, to make those policies good, they
must possess the information on which to base
proper decisions. This book presents this kind of
information with a very large measure of clarity,
simplicity and success."

MINNEAPOLIS TRIBUNE: "Its wealth of factual in-
formation and provocative ideas should stimulate
independent thinking among Americans who used
to believe the field of international relations was
roped off for the exclusive pleasure of the 'ex-
perts'."

MAX LERNER: "A wonderfully lucid, admirably sim-
ple survey of American foreign policy . . . Better
than in any other book I know, he has captured
the basic truth that there is an organic connection
between what we do abroad and what we do at
home."

DALLAS NEWS: "The summaries of recent history
alone make the book worth while . . . But far more
important are the guiding principles, based on a
specific examination of our policies following the

last

war.

2.50

HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY

383 Madison Avenue New York 17, N. Y.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

ican is brought face to face with his re-
sponsibility as a citizen in a democracy
and the part his democracy must play in
a world torn by conflicting ideologies. It is
a plea for the right objectives and princi-
ples back of the peace settlement to come.

THE GENTLEMEN TALK OF PEACE, by
William B. Ziff. Macmillan. #3.

MR. ZiFF FEELS THAT THE MAIN PROBLEM

of the future is one of adjusting the aging
political and social forms of society to its
new economic and industrial needs. He
offers precise plans for a world territorial
reorganization, and he seems to have
thought it through to the last minute detail.
JULIE D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT
Assistant Director
Woodrow Wilson Foundation

OUR JUNGLE DIPLOMACY, by William
Franklin Sands in collaboration with Joseph
M. Lalley. University of North Carolina
Press. 2.50.

IN THE CURRENT NATIONWIDE DEBATE ON

foreign policy, one is happy to encounter
anyone attempting to analyze the long term
trends in this nation's conduct of foreign
relations. Taking as a springboard his as-
signments in Latin America during the
heyday of American imperialism, Mr.
Sands, an excellent career diplomat of many
years' experience in the Far East as well,
examines our foreign policy over the past
four decades for an indication of some co-
herent purpose and finds it wanting.

The author likens our diplomacy to a
jungle, where every man must hack a way
for himself through the twisted under-
growth of protocol, intrigue, and miscon-
ception, only to gather the fruit of ag-
gression and war. For our capricious and
unpredictable course in international rela-
tions, motivated by power drives and inter-
preted by "professions of virtue," has pro-
vided a pattern, he says, for other more
consistently expansionist nations.

For his belief that we in the United
States have sowed the wind and are now
reaping the whirlwind, Mr. Sands has cer-
tain grounds, of which he occasionally per-
mits the reader to catch a glimpse. He was
present at the birthing of Panama, wit-
nessed our attempts to bring about peace
and prosperity in Central America by
bankers' loans and armed intervention, ob-
served our well-meaning, if erratic, efforts
to introduce democracy in Mexico at the
point of a gun. His discussion of power
politics in Latin America is so discursive,
so interlarded with anecdote and personal
experience, however, that one emerges
without a clear notion of just what it is
Mr. Sands is trying to say.

The reader will probably find much to
agree with in the author's contention that
lack of knowledge abroad of this country's
intentions has proved in the past far more
dangerous than any fear of its concrete
plans. But it is speculative whether the
reader will be able to concur in the con-
clusion, for which he has been sketchily
prepared, that the present war is the result
of the shattering collision of the imperial-
ist drives of Japan and the United States,
and only that.

Mr. Sands makes no mention of the
German threat in our Latin American pre-
serves. A period of residence in Latin
America, even on the Pacific side, should
make one all the more aware that our
orientation in this hemisphere, because of
the lay of the land and the flow of the sea,
has always been Europe-ward. Negative as
it is, the Monroe Doctrine the only
American policy on which a certain
amount of agreement has been achieved
is aimed at Europe. Not to make this
clear is, in this reviewer's opinion, to betray
a certain carelessness in the material's pre-
sentation.

One wishes that the author and his col-
laborator, Mr. Lalley, had confined them-
selves to their very readable account of
Mr. Sands' experiences in Central America
and elaborated the discussion of some of
the social and racial concepts of the Mexi-
can revolution, much of which is ex-
tremely valid.

Research Associate OLIVE HOLMES

Foreign Policy Association

EVERYBODY'S POLITICAL WHAT'S
WHAT, by Bernard Shaw. Dodd, Mead.
03.

STYLING HIMSELF AN "ARTIST PHILOSO-
pher," having, so far as he can comprehend
it, "the whole universe for his workshop,"
the irrepressible George Bernard Shaw in
his eighty-ninth year soliloquizes and rem-
inisces zestfully with sturdy wisdom, little
nostalgia, and more tolerance than usual.

Education, he maintains, stems from the
arts rather than from formalized rote.
"Drawing wrong conclusions from known
facts" is, he observes, more responsible for
current cynicism than ignorance itself. "The
honest artist does not pretend that his fic-
tions are facts, but he may claim, as I do,
that it is only through fiction that facts can
be made instructive and intelligible." He
stigmatizes "competitive examinations" as
giving the competitors "an interest in one
another's ignorance and failure" and as
associating success "with the notion of do-
ing the other fellow down." He looks more
favorably upon competition between teams
as uniting members "to share their knowl-
edge and help one another."

After watching the pageant of three
generations, Shaw characterizes democracies
as government by "anybodies" elected by
"everybody," operating upon a level which
is necessarily no higher than that of "ev-
erybody." As for himself he has, he says,
"still much to learn, even within my own
limited capacity." He sees himself, how-
ever, as "realist" enough "to see through
more of the romantic illusions and know
more of the hard facts than Mr. Every-
man." His penetrating eye can still detect
the most carefully concealed skeleton and
he has lost none of his capacity to discon-
cert by dragging it ruthlessly from the
closet.

Yet there is a new mellowness in this
cavalcade of Shavian reflections: on his ex-
cursions into Marxist propaganda; his transi-
tion from novelist to playwright; the glee
in his feeling that his critics and biogra-
phers can find no "pigeonhole" to fit him.
His spicy acidity is frankly meant to "en-

tertain" and he is always conscious of the
indispensability of the surprise element to
put his humor across. On his first meeting
with Anatole France, the latter had tardy
inquired, "Who are you?" to which Shaw
retorted, "I, like you, am a genius."

This is autobiography at its best, by a
man who, whatever he may do to others,
is as free from self-deception as a human
can be. There is one very important cat
which he intentionally or unintentionally
lets out of its bag. He loves the world
with which he has quarreled so eagerly.

RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.
Cornwall, N. Y.

WORLD ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:
Effects on Advanced Industrial Countries,
by Eugene Staley. The International Labor
Office. #1.75.

THIS WORK BY ONE WHO IS NO NEWCOMER

in the field of international trade relations
raises a basic problem that is certain to be
a matter of considerable debate in the post-
war period. On the assumption that there
will be an increasing demand on the part
of undeveloped nations for rapid progress
in economic development after the war, the
main purpose of the book is to explore
"the effects primarily the economic
effects which are likely to be felt in the
advanced industrial countries of the world
as a result of economic development."

Mr. Staley 's answers are essentially op-
timistic, developing the thesis that the situ-
ation will present both opportunities and
dangers, but that it will be possible by
policies of "mutual cooperation and intelli-
gent adaptation" to make the advantages
outweigh the disadvantages.

He holds that investment in the unde-
veloped countries will prove to be an outlet
for surplus funds and will contribute to
the maintenance of a balance between sav-
ings and investment, a condition necessary
for full employment in developed countries.

Certain changes in trade relations will
be inevitable as a result of increased indus-
trial productivity in undeveloped areas.
The impact of such changes may be met
by "industrial adaptability," by shifting
labor and capital into those lines of produc-
tion made more profitable by the rise of
world income.

Most of the text is devoted to the elabora-
tion of these ideas and to indicating the
policies which should be followed to achieve
the result. A final section deals with the
broader implications of economic develop-
ment in the new areas the effect on popu-
lation, political alignments, and cultural
development.

From one point of view, the approach
is realistic. Mr. Staley starts his analysis
with the concept of "freedom from want,"
but he does not advocate "Uncle Sam's de-
livering the proverbial quart of milk to the
Hottentot." He states with emphasis that
freedom from want will come in various
parts of the world only when the popula-
tions in those countries have increased their
own productivity.

He is aware, also, of the delicate political
repercussions of international, trade rela-
tions. But he asserts that mutual coopera-
tion, sensible economic controls, and de-

cisions based on long-run considerations or
benefit to both types of countries will point
the way to healthy economic development
and eliminate "one-way imperialism." In a
world in which most decisions are results
of pressure politics rather than of economic
literacy, one might question the possibility
of this achievement without much more
drastic over-all economic control than Mr.
Staley contemplates.

Considering the fact that a large pro-
portion of the book deals with technical
economic data, the presentation is clear and
stimulating. It should be of interest to the
non-technical reader as well as to the
specialist. Also, it might well be on the
required reading list for the peacemakers.
Lois MAC DONALD
Department of Economics
New Yor^ University

THE POWER INDUSTRY AND THE
PUBLIC INTEREST A Summary of the
Results of a Survey of the Relations Between
the Government and the Electric Power
Industry. Twentieth Century Fund. $2.

THE READER WILL FIND IN THIS BOOK SUCH

an array as he will scarcely find elsewhere
of pros and cons on the multitude of prob-
lems and experiences that go to make up
the picture of the power industry and its
relation to the public interest. This evident
effort to present all sides in a fair-minded
marshaling of facts and opinions will not
satisfy the ranter nor attract the ultra-
conservative.

In reading, one's mind is constantly on
a seesaw. Technical, financial, and public
relation problems are developed in quick
succession, yet rarely left without some
presentation of different points of view.
Generally technical matters are successfully
handled, though it is manifest the authors
felt most at home in reviewing the powers,
experience, and attitudes of the Federal
Power Commission and the Securities and
Exchange Commission.

The presentation of the program and
development of the TVA shows broad
study and considerable understanding. A
point the authors may not appreciate is that
the extraordinarily high average energy
consumption (and a correspondingly low,
average cost per kwh) is an important re-
flection of use of electricity at an especially
low final step in the rate schedule by well-
to-do citizens in house heating. The major-
ity of consumers are still satisfied with an
electric refrigerator and the small current
consuming convenience equipment.

Possibly too much emphasis is put on
the creation of high capacity long distance
interconnection, the cost of which is high.
Most customers and consumption, like the
travel of automobiles, are largely within
limited range of centers of supply. How
much can be afforded in excess capital, idle
much of the time, as insurance against a
possible emergency is a matter for careful
weighing. Of course, enormous water pow-
ers set up in the wilderness must have high
capacity transmission lines to reach ade-
quate markets.

No one reading this book, if fair-minded,
can fail to realize that the problem is com-
plex, that the facts are ever changing, and

MY HAPPY DAYS

A Charming Story of Negro Family Life

By JANE DABNEY SHACKELFORD
Author of The Child's Story of the Negro

Comments

"I doubt if a better portrait has ever been presented of
our healthy everyday American life. School days and vacation
times, fun at home, parties, trips to the doctor, marketing
with mother, going to Sunday school all the good sol id things
we give our children, the things we are fighting for now across
the world." - Phyllis A. Whitney, in the Chicago Sun,
December 31, 1944.

"Jane Dabney Shackelford has done America a favor in
giving it this book. And American parents, white and colored
alike, will be doing their children a favor by giving them a
copy." M. Crosby Rogers, in the Springfield Union, January
3, 1945.

121 pages

Beautifully illustrated

Price $2.15

The Associated Publishers, Inc.

1538 NINTH ST., N.W., WASHINGTON 1, D. C.

there is no easy solution of progressively
maximum service at lowest honest costs to
the public. The rapidly changing conditions
of the past three or four years leave the
impression that data based on 1939-1940
may have become somewhat academic.

JUDSON C. DlCKERMAN

Consulting Engineer, Washington, D. C.

THE VALLEY AND ITS PEOPLE A Por-
trait of TVA. Text by R. L. Duffus. Illus-
trations by the Graphics Department of
TVA, Charles Krutch, chief. Knopf. #2.75.

R. L. DUFFUS, FROM THE HILLS OF VfiR-

mont, wandered through the Tennessee
Valley before TVA and from time to time
since has watched with sympathetic under-
standing the changes in the lives of the
Valley people wrought by that enterprise.
He recounts a "history ... of beauty,
waste and attempted redemption . . . sim-
ple ideas" in the simple but penetrating
style with which readers of Survey Graphic
are familiar.

He sees through to the central core of
TVA: dams and hydropower are transient,
reservoirs will silt up, new sources of energy
will be found; only ideas are enduring. And
the idea of TVA, recently presented so
fervently by Chairman David E. Lilienthal
in his great book, "TVA: Democracy on
the March," is here presented succinctly,
objectively, in homely pipe-and-tweed writ-
ing. It is the use of science and government
as the tools of 2,800,000 people to achieve
their own creative self-expression and ad-
vancement. "The pioneer stock . . . still
has character and virility. What is needed
was something outside itself of which it
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had been robbed by unhappy circumstances.
It needed hope for the future."

For over a decade, Charles Krutch, chief
photographer for TVA, has pictured farms,
fields, eroded hillsides, floodlighted valleys
in which dams were building, the stark
beauty of spillways, penstocks, generators
and the people of the Valley. It is hard
to say whether this generous sampling of
fine work by him and his staff illustrates
the text well or whether Mr. Duffus has
written a fitting commentary on the pic-
tures. The happy collaboration has pro-
duced a satisfying book.

CHARLES S. ASCHER
National Housing Agency

THE TVA LESSONS FOR INTERNA-
TIONAL APPLICATION, by Herman
Finer. International Labor Office. $2 boards,
#1.50 paper.

HENRY A. WALLACE is ONE OF A GROWING
number of statesmen and writers who have
raised their voices in favor of a United
Nations or international authority of some
kind to deal with physical and economic
development on a regional basis in the
war-devastated countries. In a speech in
1942 the vice-president said: "There must
be an international bank and an interna-
tional TVA."

In a book put out by the International
Labor Office, Mr. Finer presents the whole
mosaic of the TVA experiment, breaking
it down into its various parts: the taming
of the waterway with its integrated and
unified program of flood control, power
generation, and navigation; the power de-
velopment; the land use and fertilizer pro-

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Providing for Unemployed Workers in the
Transition

By Richard A. Lester, Associate Professor of Eco-
nomics, Duke University. 154 pages, 5%x8%, $1.50

Fully probes the probable scope and character of
unemployment in the transition, its possible effects,
and existing measures for meeting them. Among
the factors examined are adequacy of unemployment
compensation to sustain purchasing power, extent to
which public works can be utilized for unemploy-
ment, advantages or disadvantages of Federal public
works programs as against local undertakings, and
the value of a transition-period program of educa-
tion and training for unemployed workers.

Demobilization of Wartime Economic
Controls

By John Maurice Clark, Professor of Economics,
Columbia University. 210 pages, 5V 4 x8%, $1.75

Deals with the many-sided question of economic
controls put into effect because of the war, and
how they should be relaxed with the approach of
peace. Presents a thorough survey of the kinds of
controls, their objectives, authority, effect, etc.,
analyzes carefully the varying circumstances under
which need for them may abate, and offers specific
recommendations for the time, manner, and decree
of their cessation which will most support objectives
of high production and job opportunities in the
postwar period.

The Liquidation of War Production

By A. D. H. Kaplan, Professor of Economics, Univer-
sity of Denver. 133 pages, 5^x83,4, $1.50

This volume analyzes the score and nature of the
problems involved in cancelling war production
contracts and in disposing of war goods surpluses
and government-owned plants. Impartially discusses
how, when, and by whom the problems should be
handled and presents concrete proposals for recon-
version that will contribute to production and job
opportunities in the postwar period.

Production, Jobs and Taxes

By Harold M. Craves, Professor of Economics,
University of Wisconsin. 115 pages, 5%x8%, $1.25

This book shows the important role federal tax-
ation can play in maintaining stability through high
levels of production and in encouraging business to
create job opportunities. It brings to the front the
ways in which taxation affects initiative and out-
lines the means and specific tax changes for build-
ing a tax program that will make the most of
business potentialities within desirable economic and
social limitations.

Send this McCRAW-HILL coupon!

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gram; the intricate and related problems
involved in the relocation of families with
the impounding of water behind the dams.
The author covers the entire scope of TVA,
appraising the difficulties involved in each
step of the program as well as the pro-
gress achieved.

Then, in the light of the American ex-
periment, he presents the problems of an
international TVA, posing without bias the
serious difficulties which inevitably would
be encountered. In his words: "The pur-
pose of such an institution an interna-
tional resources development authority
would presumably be to contribute to
raising the standard of living in under-
developed countries by means of long term
credits and technical assistance which
would foster economic enterprise. In some
degree, which would have to be the object
of serious inquiry, financial assistance and
administrative support of these enterprises
would come under the general good offices
of such an international agency."

Mr. Finer states frankly that "depart-
ments of world government, regulation, or
control, are today only in their incipient
stage and hence there must be vagueness
on the place and relationships that a de-
velopment authority should possess." But
he points to the possibility that a number of
new international institutions with eco-
nomic or financial functions may be estab-
lished after the war, and that any
international lending agency should be
integrated in, and should collaborate with,
other institutions. He hopefully adds: "In-
ternational lending policies, properly ap-
plied, would have a significance greater
than any particular financial and economic
services that are rendered. They could aid
in the building and expansion of a more
unified and better balanced world econo-
my."

The book is well documented with sub-
stantiating facts and statistics without im-
peding its readability.

capitalism. It has suffered from the his-
torical fallacy which assumes that whatever
things happen together must logically be-
long together. Both fascist and communist
critics have successfully pointed out the
weaknesses of democracy; and both sides
seem erroneously to maintain, for example,
that since the democratic movement grew
up with capitalism, its survival without
capitalism would be inconceivable. There
are many other charges against democracy;
with the consequence that its defenders
have come to understand that another, and
more valid, philosophical basis must be
found for it.

Some persons have sought to base it in
metaphysical realism, and have made
philosophical studies to that end. Others
have approached the problem more cau-
tiously and piecemeal, seeking to overhaul
and to save one foundation stone at a time.
Among this latter group may be counted
Miss Stapleton. She has chosen the idea of
justice, and upon the revision of our no-
tions of this universal she pins her hopes
for democracy. The same hope has been
sought in the idea of tolerance. Justice
is a legal notion; tolerance a humanitarian
one. Democracy is a political conception,
and its true basis ought to be sought in the
theory of politics.

Incidentally, Vico is very much mis-
understood in this work. Vico was not a
historicist nor a relativist; he was, on the
other hand, a friend of science. He sought
to save the realism of Plato which he did
not find inconsistent with the empiricism
of science. JAMES FEIBLEMAN

Author of "Positive Democracy"

CARTELS CHALLENGE TO A FREE
WORLD, by Wendell Berge. Public Affairs
Press, Washington, D. C. #3.25.

THE PUBLICATION OF THIS BOOK IS ENCOl

aging evidence that under Wendell Berge
leadership the anti-trust division of
Department of Justice will continue to

Office of Community War Services
Federal Security Agency

JUSTICE AND WORLD SpCIETY, by
Laurence Stapleton. University of North
Carolina Press. $2.50.

THE MODERN WORLD, THE WESTERN WORLD

since the Renaissance, has limited its no-
tion of reality to the mind of man and the
material world. These two conceptual re-
sults of the implicit acceptance of the
nominalistic premise displaced a restrictive

KATHERINE GLOVER a vigorous and effective advocate of

cause of economic freedom. Such advc
will be sorely needed in the confusion
postwar years.

A large amount of the stocks and bone
which we are accustomed to think of a
private wealth owe their entire value to the
fact that they represent the power to keep
independent enterprise from producing
goods. Vested interests in such organiza-
tions have grown so large that they cannot
be disturbed without serious economic dis-
locations for millions of people who are de-

metaphysical realism which, in the Church's pendent on them. It would be unreasonable
hands, had earned a bad name for all to expect the management of such busi-
nesses to give up without a fight.

Railroad investment is a case in point.
A large portion of the $26,000,000,000 in

realism. But the Church, in its organiza-
tion and accepted dogma, has never been
metaphysically realistic; it has rather been

neo-Platonic. Under the false philosophy railway stocks and bonds will lose its value

of nominalism, however, two good things
were brought to birth: democracy and
science. They have been interpreted nomin-
alistically, whereas they are clearly realistic.
Now that events in our culture have dem-
onstrated the falsity of the nominalistic
philosophy, how can we save democracy?
Democracy was born into an age of

if new forms of transportation over roads,
waterways, and airways are permitted the
same kind of unrestricted development that
gave us our cheap and efficient automobiles.
And so there will be a powerful drive from
railroad interests to slow down the growth
of competing forms of transportation. If
drives like this succeed in American in-

nominalistic movements: individualism, dustry we shall be faced with the same kind
subjectivism, irrationalism, Protestantism, of depression we had before that is, a

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

depression created by the fact that we re-
fuse to utilize to its fullest extent the pro-
ductive wealth of America in order to
protect obsolete capital values.

The second force against the philosophy
of free enterprise will come from those lib-
erals who are not content to allow compe-
tition to solve a problem such as transpor-
tation. They desire some over-all plan.
They are the kind of people who believe
that the automobile would have developed
faster in America, and without the dis-
tressing bankruptcy of so many automobile
manufacturers, had a government bureau
planned automobile expansion. I have read
reviews criticizing Mr. Berge's book for its
failure to produce some over-all plan. Of
such persons it can only be said that they
do not understand either the philosophy or
the practical operation of competitive capi-
talism.

I am convinced that in the long run the
economic philosophy of Mr. Berge's book
will win out. Some nations like Russia
may be able to subordinate the personalities
of their individual businessmen to a vast
government bureaucracy. But America can-
not do this even if she tries. It is not our
tradition or our cultural pattern. Our
choice is not between competitive capital-
ism and some other form of economic or-
ganization. Our choice is rather between
competitive capitalism and the utter con-
fusion of conflicting and contradictory poli-
cies and warring pressure groups which we
have experienced during the last ten years.
THURMAN ARNOLD
Judge, U3. Court of Appeals

I WENT TO THE SOVIET ARCTIC, by
Ruth Gruber. Viking. 3.50.

THIS IS AN INTENSELY HUMAN STORY OF

modern life in erstwhile polar wasteland.
Although the author disavows any attempt
to write "a red-blooded adventure story,"
readers will not find her straightforward
matter-of-fact narrative lacking in any of
the essentials that make a genuine thriller.
Against the stark background of the frozen
North, this story is warm with gripping
episodes of man's struggles and triumphs
in winning a place for himself under the
midnight sun.

When Miss Gruber's book first appeared
in 1939, her travels and adventures were
cortfined to a limited sector of the Soviet
Arctic and her report was centered chiefly
on how Russian men and women had
created Port Igarka, a seaport within the
Arctic Circle. Life in this north Siberian
town is still a keystone of the revised 1944
edition, but the interpretation has been
broadened by an account of the author's
later travels into northeastern Asia and
Alaska.

Now the Soviet Arctic is seen in neigh-
borhood to the American Far North. The
opening of the Northern Sea Route around
Eurasia, the blazing of polar air routes
from the USSR to the USA, and the set-
ding of the Asiatic arctic regions earlier
seen in their inception are depicted in their
later extensions: the allied convoys of war
supplies to Russia via the northern seas to
Murmansk and Archangel, the Alaska-Si-
berian aerial staging route along which

lend-lease war planes are ferried to the
eastern Allied front, and the wide interest
throughout Alaska in the progress civiliza-
tion is making in the vast northern reaches
of Soviet Asia.

The story reads like a travelogue spiced
with the telling details of intimate acquaint-
ance with the ordinary and extraordinary
people who inhabit the North today. Miss
Gruber interviewed all the headline figures
and put into the headlines many of the
obscure. They are real persons; I have met
many of them myself.

Miss Gruber gives us the feminine angle,
almost unique in the annals of Arctic ex-
ploration, and carries forward to a new con-
firmation Vilhjalmur Stefansson's message

to modern man that the north country is
hospitable a Friendly Arctic. It is most
appropriate that her book should carry a
preface by Stefansson, dean of living Amer-
ican explorers. In 1932 Ruth Gruber be-
came the youngest doctor of philosophy in
the world; in 1944 one might call her the
world's most distinguished woman explorer
of the Arctic.

"If the Arctic has any message to the
world," she writes, "beyond its first mes-
sage of proving that the country was habit-
able, with fabulous wealth and infinite eco-
nomic and strategic possibilities, that mes-
sage was to show what women could do,
if you gave them the chance. It was a
lesson to counteract the horrible medieval

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but can't get started

Do you have that constant urge to write but the fear that a beginner hasn't a
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Address

(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on yon.)

86-B-665

The

Great

Decision

By James T. Shotwell

Here is one of the most con-
structive plans that has yet
been offered toward the
ideal of world peace. Dr.
ShotwelFs realistic and in-
formed experience in inter-
national affairs lends enor-
mous weight to his forecast
of what can, and must, be
done. $3.00

"A remarkable compendium of a
vast subject, by the very best
authority." The New Republic.

"Should be read seriously, before
it is too late again." Chicago
Sun.

MACMILLAN

For every
American
interested in
the future of
his country

Special Interests vs (he Public Welfare

by STUART CHASE

Author of Where's The Money Coming From?

When the war ends, will peace come?
Mr. Chase says no not so long as 400-
odd pressure groups with their Wash-
ington lobbies continue to put their
selfish interests above the public inter-
est. Mr. Chase points out legitimate
needs for group representation in our
democracy, but paints a searing picture
of danger from the unrestrained selfish-
ness of warring special interests. A
vivid, timely report for every American
to read and ponder as a new Congress
convenes.

This is the fourth
volume in Stuart
Chase's series, WHEN

THE WAR ENDS.

$1.00

THE

TWENTIETH
CENTURY FUND

330 West 42nd Street
New York IS

(In

lesson women were learning in Germany
and Italy. It was a guidepost to women
in the great democracies who were still
struggling for economic and social emanci-
pation, now that most of them had the
vote. . . .

"To be sure, the present was not Utopia,
not even in the Arctic. But the Russians
were the first to admit it. ... To them
the Soviet Arctic was the greatest pioneer-
ing venture in the modern world. For it
was opening not only a new world, but it
was finding a new social philosophy, a new
freedom, and a new way of life."

ANDREW J. STEIGER
Co-author of "Soviet Asia"

FRANCES WILLARD From Prayers to Poli-
tics, by Mary Earhart. University of Chicago
Press. #3.75.

THE READER WHO QUICKLY PASSES OVER THE

title of this book because he is not inter-
ested in a little bow of white ribbon or
the temperance cause for which it stands,
will make a grave mistake. For this biog-
raphy is as American as pioneering, as uni-
versal as human nature, as modern as social
security.

It is, moreover, that highly prized and
equally American phenomenon, a "success
story." With scant schooling, Frances Wil-
lard became the first dean of the Woman's
College of Northwestern University. Reared
in isolation, bound by strict tenets of ortho-
doxy, she became an astute politician, a
brilliant speaker and led a world organiza-
tion of a million women, creating "the
flood tide of a woman's movement which
should sweep aside restraints and barriers
of seclusion, of timidity, and of ignorance."

While the Woman's Christian Temper-
ance Union was the principal medium of
her activities, she made this field as broad
as human need. Not only did her followers
storm legislative halls and bury the legis-
lators under a mound of petitions for local
option, they also took part in political cam-
paigns, fought for woman suffrage, for
better labor legislation, and urged world
arbitration and peace.

Were these less troubled times, this book
might easily stir a storm of controversy

her own remembered fervor would have
breathed life into the framework so pains-
takingly reconstructed. But perhaps that
would have robbed her of the courage to
say what she has said. And that would have
been a great loss. LENA MADESIN PHILLIPS
President, International Federation
of Business and Professional Women

MCCARTHY OF WISCONSIN, by Edward

A. Fitzpatrick. Columbia University Press.
#3.50.

CHARLES MCCARTHY is A SYMBOL OF THE
best in the American way of life. The
son of immigrant parents, working his
way through Brown and the University
of Wisconsin to a Ph. D., he devoted his
life to broadening the frontiers of pub-
lic service in this country. He created
a new species of political institution to em-
body his ideals which grew to a rich flow-
ering in his adopted state, Wisconsin, and
spread to every other state capitol and to
Washington. Though he did not live
to the age of fifty, he left an indelible
mark upon the thinking of his contem-
poraries and the future processes of gov-
ernment as a tool for the promotion of the
general welfare.

McCarthy of "the Wisconsin Idea" has
been known, aside from his friends of
whom many are still living, to a small
circle of educators and public officials.
Yet thousands have been the beneficiaries
of his idea of a legislative reference and
drafting service to aid the people's repre-
sentatives to fashion statutes that would
effectuate what they wanted to accom-
plish.

His contribution to Wisconsin and to
American politics did not end with the
invention and refinement of the legisla-
tive reference and drafting device. For
the first two decades of this century, he
utilized a minor administrative position
in a single state capital to animate the
programs of political leaders of every per-
suasion within and without the state.

In the Progressive Era, he was a major
taproot from which flowed the intellec-
tual and moral sap of the vital forces
alike of the New Freedom and Arma-

within the circles of organized women. For geddon. A natural human sympathy with
Miss Earhart lifts Frances Willard from the the under-dog infused his spirit. A pow-
exclusive possession of the WCTU and erful intellect translated aspirations into

makes her the foremost leader of the cen-
tury in the woman movement. She thinks
Miss Willard has too long been denied "her
rightful place in history. Women of lesser
stature, like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and
Susan B. Anthony, have been accorded far
greater prominence by historians than she,
although it is probable that her contribution
to the woman suffrage movement alone far
surpassed that of either of these notable
leaders."

This is a double charge of dynamite. But
the biographer makes an excellent case,
amply documented. Although a first book,
the style is clear, concise, easy. But it is a
research worker's record. Everything is
there, yet nothing quite comes to life, sings
and surges into reality experienced. One
almost wishes that Miss Earhart herself
had known years of crusading under the
direct influence of a great leader so that
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
74

workable legislative formulas for sound
progressive taxation, for effective agricul-
tural and labor legislation, for broader ed-
ucational opportunity, for a professional
civil service, and for dozens of other ideas
which are today the keystones of prog-
ress in all our states.

This warm and human biography
a friend and co-worker in Wisconsin is
rich addition not only to the literature
political science but to the saga that
America. Here was a man capable and
eager to seize an opportunity for servic
to the people, who never deserted their
trust in him for the greater rewards
money which were more than once of-
fered him, who died as he had lived ir
that service.

The author has put us in his deb
by revealing the personality behind "th
Wisconsin Idea." The work, so finely

portrayed here, lives on as concrete
achievement in our governmental system
and as proof of the efficacy of effort.

PHILLIPS BRADLEY
Queens College, New Yor/(

A DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLI-
TICS, edited by Edward Conrad Smith and
Arnold John Zurcher. Barnes & Noble. #3.

THIS IS A FIRST-AID BOOK FOR TODAY'S

reader of newspapers and weeklies. Its
compact entries, written by fourteen au-
thorities in the field of political science,
define and explain more than 3,000 terms,
ranging from the American political slang
of this and other periods to Supreme Court
cases and the names of military decora-
dons. The present volume is a revision and
enlargement of a dictionary originally pub-
lished in 1888, with a second edition put
out in 1924. B.A.

AN AUTHOR REPLIES

To THE EDITOR: I suppose authors are never
satisfied with reviews of their books, yet
I have written three and never before have
I complained. As a public official I learned
to receive criticism and like it, but the re-
view of "Freedom from Fear" [Survey
Graphic, November 1944, page 468] hurt
me, not because it is critical or because it
disagrees that is the right of any reviewer.
My grievance is that the comment distorts
the aim and purpose, and even more im-
portant, misstates what the book says. My
main purpose was to show that we cannot
have social security at home unless there is
security and employment in other nations
too that a United States of Europe, a free
flow of trade, and international economic
agencies such as envisioned at Bretton
Woods and Dumbarton Oaks are as neces-
sary to peace and prosperity here as they
are to the rest of the world. The whole
book turns on this point, yet there is not a
suggestion of it in the review.

As for social security at home, on which
the reviewer concentrates, the review delib-
erately misstates what the book says about
accident and health companies, experience
rating, Sir William Beveridge and the Bev-
eridge Plan, the sound and logical extension
of social security, and passes over the many
positive and constructive suggestions for
progress along social and economic lines
which the book advocates. Let me take
just one sample.

Your reviewer says that the book "warns
against undue liberalization of the federal
old age and survivors' insurance system
lest it discourage private initiative." As a
matter of fact, my book favors the ex-
tension of old age and survivorship insur-
ance and says that it is:

". . . one of the most satisfactory of our
governmental services. It provides pensions
for those who reach sixty-five and have
retired. Though intended primarily for the
lower income group, as a matter of admin-
istrative simplicity, all are subject to its reg-
ulations and are required to contribute on
the first $3,000 of income. Since many
who have large earnings find themselves
practically penniless in their old age, this
protection should be a source of satisfaction
to people in all walks of life. The pro-

vision for widows with small children, or
widows who have reached sixty-five, is also
progressive and desirable.

"The amendments suggested by the
National Resources Planning Board for in-
creasing benefits in the low income brackets
seem desirable. Benefits should be deter-
mined not only by contributions but by
considerations of 'social adequacy.' That
employes of nonprofit corporations should
be covered is obvious; they should never
have been excluded. The suggestion of the
Planning Board for the inclusion of agri-
cultural and domestic workers is also logi-
cal and sound; there is no argument, except

difficulty of administration, for discriminat-
ing against people who are apt to need
protection most." (page 138)

The reviewer suggests that the book is
merely a front for the private insurance
companies, but anyone who knows any-
thing about my record as State Superin-
tendent of Insurance (New York) will re-
sent this. It may add to the peace of mind
of the reviewer to know that the only
serious criticism I have received, outside his
own, is from the executive of a large insur-
ance company who says that the book is
unfair to industrial insurance.
New Yor/^ Louis H. PINK

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AIR AGE TRANSPORTATION

(Continued from page 59)

use. At this writing, it is said that only
about one hundred helicopters are in ex-
istence in the United States, all of them
used by the armed forces.

Of many improvements to be made, per-
haps the one least assured is the ability to
land in a small space when the engine stops.
Without power, landing is safer with a
forward motion, especially if the power
goes off accidentally. But if city landing
areas for helicopters should be large enough
for emergency, power-off landings, then
much of the advantage of the helicopter
in adapting to congested areas is lost.

How this problem will be solved is not
clear; very probably by improving engines
and mechanisms 'so that the likelihood of
the engine stopping, except at the will of
the pilot, will be exceedingly small. Even
now a helicopter engine cannot stall as does
an automobile engine. And if presently the
chances of a helicopter engine stopping art-
no greater than of an airplane overturning
at the take-off, certainly people will use
them. Helicopters will follow air lanes over
the city, with emergency landing areas
along the lanes. A city located on a body
of water will have convenient emergency
landings on its lake, river or harbor.

For landings near homes, vacant lots or
parks will serve and the helicopter with
wheels may then be driven along the
ground into a garage at the residence.

By the end of the first decade after the
war, there may be many hundred thousands
of helicopters, which will curtail the use of
private airplanes. Helicopters are likely to
be used first by professionals, such as the
Coast Guard, the Forestry Service, by cattle-
men, and for scheduled passenger trans-
portation. Although helicopters are now
slower in speed than the airplane, this is
not likely to be a deterrent since they travel
betwen 100 and 150 miles an hour, and
later they will go even faster.

The postwar price contemplated now is
around $5,000 for a small helicopter,
though early models today, not produced by
assembly line methods, probably cost $100,-
000 to build. Later they are expected to be
priced at about the present figure for private
airplanes. It may be a very long time before
they are sold at less than $1,000 or $1,500.

A helicopter is not likely to be a substi-
tute for an automobile, and probably the
majority of owners of helicopters will also
own cars. Before the war, there were 752,-
000 persons and families with incomes of
$10,000 a year and over, and 2,086,000 with
incomes of $5,000 and above. It is from
these income groups that the owners of
helicopters are likely to come, but only a
small minority of these groups are apt to
own helicopters in the second decade after
the war. In contrast to this are the 20,000,-
000 owners of private automobiles.

The fact that a helicopter owner will
need a car as well suggests that the two be
combined into a single vehicle. Both the
flying automobile and the roadable heli-
copter are technically possible. But it is

"difficult to make a vehicle that moves in
two media as well as in one alone. In the
past, no amphibious vehicle has been as
good as the single purpose one built for
land or water only. A roadable helicopter is
not expected to be a good automobile. It
will be heavier and more complicated than
a non-roadable helicopter.

However, the old autogiro could run
along the ground at about 40 miles an hour.
A helicopter that could do as well would
have a greatly increased flexibility of use.
An owner with a garage but no landing
space at his residence could use it. It could
be stored more easily in city buildings for
parking. Suburbanites could travel on the
ground to nearby shopping centers. Up to
now, there has been less talk about a road-
able helicopter than about a roadable plane.
But the demand for a roadable helicopter
probably will be very great and there would
seem to be a rather high probability of its
development, perhaps in the second decade
after the war. A roadable helicopter would
need to be cheaper than the combined price
of an automobile and a helicopter. Even so,
roadable helicopters are not likely to replace
very many automobiles.

The car is an excellent means of trans-
portation in a country of good roads like
the United States. After the postwar tran-
sition period, the automobile will be im-
proved in construction, as manufacturers
take advantage of today's technological de-
velopments. Improvements will include
lightness in weight, greater visibility, great-
er engine efficiency, increased durability,
and more convenience in design. In speed,
automobiles cannot compete with aircraft,
but the speed of aviation will be available
in common carrier planes, irrespective of
the developments of private aircraft.

Adjusting to the Air Age

The foregoing picture is set forth with
the thought that it is a relatively reliable
estimate of what may be expected in the
predictable future. It will be necessary to
make many adjustments in our institutions
and habits for such a new and radical
change. A few illustrations may be listed
as suggestions.

Scheduled air passenger and cargo trans-
portation will be especially significant for
undeveloped countries such as Alaska, the
interiors of South America, Africa and Cen-
tral Asia. The airplane is particularly adap-
table to undeveloped areas, not only because
of its speed, but because landing fields can
be built more readily than highways or rail-
roads. The natural resources of these un-
developed areas will be exploited. Other
forms of transportation will follow aviation.
In the United States, the Pacific Coast will
be connected more closely to the areas east
of the Mississippi River.

Larger numbers of our population will
travel to foreign countries and thus widen
their knowledge of the customs and habits
of other nations. International isolation,
both political and economic, will be im-
possible. Great Britain and Latin America
will be drawn commercially closer to the
United States. Aviation will offer American
business many new opportunities for in-
vestment and trade.

The influence of aviation in a warlike
world is further to weaken the small nations
and to strengthen the great powers, espe-
cially those with large land areas. Small
nations already are being tied closer to ad-
joining or nearby great powers. It will be
more difficult to be neutral in future wars.
In a warlike world, aviation for a time
encourages a sort of feudalism among
nations, perhaps later on integration. One
international world seems immeasurably
far off.

The small plane and small helicopter
will call for a great variety of adjustments.
In agriculture, the helicopter will be widely
used for spraying and dusting and even
seeding. The helicopter has proved its value
in rescue work. The preservation of forests
will be aided. The helicopter should modify
greatly the work of the cowboy and the
sheep herder. In mining, aviation means a
great expansion through its use in prospect-
ing undeveloped areas. Color photography
and the helicopter are very useful in ex-
ploration of natural resources.

The areas of buying and selling will be
widened for various businesses, and for
some goods there will be new markets.
Business transactions will be speeded. Pack-
ing methods will be radically changed, in
many instances in favor of lightness. The
use of light-weight materials may extend
to railroad cars, automobile bodies, and
other fields. Helicopters' will be used by
the police, by patrols, and also by smug-
glers and other criminals.

New Ways and New Attitudes

In the space of a single article it is not
possible to consider in detail the social
effects of a new dimension of travel and
commerce. But let us glance at a few prob-
abilities.

In recreation the trend toward the utili-
zation of the weekend for pleasure trips
will be furthered, especially to different
climates, to scenes of woodland beauty, and
to wilderness areas that attract sportsmen
or campers. There is the possibility of great-
er international competition in sports and,
at least in the United States, a further na-
tionalization of the sport spectacle.

In education, some phase of aviation will
find its way into practically every course of
the school system. The teaching of geog-
raphy will be most radically affected. The
history of the Oriental peoples and their
civilizations will be a part of the curricula.
Aviation also will extend student exchange,
especially perhaps in the graduate schools
of the large universities.

The religious activity which will be in-
fluenced most by aviation will be foreign
missions. Obviously, mission administration
can be improved by use of the airplane, and
the emphasis of the missionary work of the
air age is likely to be concerned less with
customs and more with the spirit of religion
and with the extension of services medical,
educational, welfare. Perhaps home missions
at a later date may find the helicopter use-
ful in extending the area the pastor can
visit and bringing outlying members closer
to the church. Secularization is not dis-
couraged by aviation.

It is quite possible that aviation will fur-

ther the use of basic English, in view of the
great role of the United States and Great
Britain in aviation, and the increased de-
mand for a common tongue at the landing
fields.

As to family life, it is the well-to-do who
will be affected first by aviation. Occasional
residences will be located farther from cities,
on the rim of suburbs. If helicopter buses
are not frequent enough, private helicopters
may connect the home with through-service
of one kind or another. Helicopters also
will mean larger residential land space for
their owners. Aviation, like all travel media,
leads to wider scattering of members of the
family. No doubt, too, like the automobile,
aircraft may lead to some competitive family
rivalries for social recognition and display.
The birthrate may be lowered slightly and
the deathrate probably increased by a very
small fraction. The redistribution of popu-
lation will be a slow process, not rapid as
in the case of the railroads. Planes will
follow present population routes. But even-
tually population will be spread to outlying
regions, for instance, Alaska, if the eco-
nomic base exists. Also regions like the
Pacific Coast will gain in population since
the spread of aviation will enable big
markets to be tapped.

A great development like aviation is like-
ly to leave an impression on our thinking.
International ideas and considerations and
less provincialism are to be looked for,
though the first influence probably will be
to accentuate national interests and rivalries
among the larger powers. Travel will be
fashionable and its broadening influence
felt. Racial issues are likely to be raised.
But even the village storekeeper will have
to learn to think in terms of the world,
rather than of Main Street. The tempo of
living will be increased, and time will be
watched even more closely than now. For
those who see a dichotomy between the
spiritual and the material, aviation appears
likely in the main to strengthen the forces
of the machine and of material progress.

CLEAN SWEEP IN
PUERTO RICO

(Continued from page 65)

the time for reform had passed and that
today only complete independence could be
satisfactory. Everywhere, at all times,
Puerto Ricans are talking of status.

Munoz Marin would like to postpone
the promised plebiscite until the end of
the war. He may have to call it much
earlier or appeal to the people over the
heads of many of the prominent men in
his own party. He also may have to sub-
mit some proposal on status to Washing-
ton, to forestall action on the part of the
insular legislature contrary to his purposes.
Even if the reform bill now pending in
Congress were passed in its original form,
giving Puerto Ricans the right to elect
their governor and other officials now ap-
pointed by the President, and assurance that
future changes in the Organic Act will be
made only with the approval of the people
of Puerto Rico, it is questionable whether
it would be acceptable, though the demand
for immediate and unqualified independ-

ence might be weakened. On the other
hand, the Reform Bill as adopted by the
senate is satisfactory to no one.

Certainly anyone who has been in Puerto
Rico for a time can see that the United
States should adopt toward the island a
definite, clear-cut, dependable policy, which
will assure it consistent treatment and in-
creasing autonomy. So many Puerto Ricans
recognize not only the desirability but the
necessity of continued close relationship
with the United States that they might,
upon the basis of established, firm, and
progressive colonial policy, prevail over the
independence faction.

Puerto Rico Has Money to Spend

Despite the problem which it must face
on the independence issue, no party in
Puerto Rico ever took office under pros-
pects as bright as those of the Popular
Democrats. Not only are they in complete
control, but they have, relatively speaking,

incident. The student council of the Uni-
versity of Puerto Rico, without the knowl-
edge of any responsible officer of the uni-
versity, invited the president of the student
organization of the University of Havana
to visit Puerto Rico. He himself did not
come, but two Cuban students, without
legal authority to enter the island, reached
Puerto Rico on a Cuban navy plane and
gave independence talks to university stu-
dents and others. When it was discovered
that their papers were not in order they
were asked to leave the island.

Other evidences that agitation for inde-
pendence is growing are not lacking. A
meeting of the "Pro-Independence Con-
gress" was held on December 10, with
delegates from all over the island in
attendance. The very word independence
was greeted with shouts of enthusiasm, and
the general sense of the meeting was that

(In answering

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77

an enormous amount ot money with which
to work.

On June 30, 1944, the Puerto Rican
Treasury had a free surplus of approxi-
mately $75,000,000, which will have in-
creased to well over $100,000,000 by the
end of the present fiscal year. This money
comes in large part from the internal
revenue tax on rum sold in the United
States, which, under the Jones Act (1917),
is returned to the insular government. In-
come from this source alone amounted to
$63,884,357 during the fiscal year 1943-44,
compared to $13,550,000 for the previous
fiscal year.

The new government is also fortunate
in that it will be guided in its economic
program by over-all planning much more
extensive than any planning yet done on
the mainland. To proponents of economic
planning, the next few years in Puerto Rico
promise to be extremely interesting, since
it will be the first time in any part of the
United States that long term planning on
such a broad scale has been attempted.

And a Six-year Plan for Spending

The Puerto Rico Planning, Urbanizing,
and Zoning Board, set up in 1942, has
just issued its revised Six- Year Plan for
the fiscal years 1945-46 through 1950-51.
This plan will be submitted to the insular
legislature as a guide for appropriations.
The plan recommends the expenditure of
$322,000,000 in improvements "necessary
to the health and well-being of the people
of Puerto Rico." This is a long way to
go in six years and, if the plan is put into
effect, Puerto Rico, at the end of that
period, will be far different from what it
is today.

It is regrettable that the one place with-
in the boundaries of the United States
where economic planning has been really
accepted, has certain peculiar problems
which seriously increase the difficulties of
planning. The Puerto Rico Planning, Ur-
banizing, and Zoning Board is, in its Six-
Year Plan, limited to financial planning.
And even there it must proceed without
knowing for what kind of political entity
it is planning. Should its recommenda-
tions be directed toward a Puerto Rico
in the present colonial status, toward a
free Puerto Rico, toward a Puerto Rico
linked to the United States in some kind
of dominion status, or toward a State of
Puerto Rico? Long term plans, to be re-
alistic, must be in terms of a settled politi-
cal future. If Puerto Rico becomes inde-
pendent, for example, the entire economy
of the island will change.

In its current Six-Year Plan, the board
assumes continuance of the present politi-
cal status and, therefore, the plan contem-
plates federal aid for housing, roads, edu-
cation, health in fact, all the infinite va-
rieties of help which Puerto Rico receives
from continental United States. It pre-
sumes the continued return to the insular
government of the internal revenue tax
on rum, which at present forms the back-
bone of insular income, and which the
planning board estimates at 43.4 percent
of total income for the next six years.

This dilemma in which the board finds

itself is, of course, merely a reflection of
that of any insular government which at-
tempts to plan for the future. Political
uncertainty, dependence upon a distant and
fundamentally uninterested federal Con-
gress, which nonetheless has power to over-
turn at will any program the insular gov-
ernment may undertake, in large part ex-
plains why, before 1940, no government
had ever undertaken a long time program
to solve the island's economic and social
problems.

For the island as a whole, the first re-
quirements of a social program are water
and sewerage systems, schools, and hospi-
tals. Not more than 22 percent of the en-
tire population, urban as well as rural,
now has access to running water. An even
smaller proportion has access to any kind
of sewer or sanitary system. Close to half
of the school population is not in school,
because there are neither schools nor teach-
ers enough to care for them.

The Six- Year Plan calls for the estab-
lishment of about half of the needed water
supply and sewerage systems within the
six years; it proposes the construction of
9,300 new classrooms at an expenditure
of $28,560,000. Even this will provide only
about half the schools required to make ef-
fective the island's compulsory education
law.

In the matter of health, although a six-
year building program totaling close to
$25,000,000 is proposed, with a very great-
ly increased budget for current expenses,
it is only about one third of the expendi-
tures needed to meet modern health stand-
ards. As to housing, it is believed by the
planning board that within the six years,
and with federal aid, most of the urban
slums can be cleared.

All of this is one way of saying that, if
the Popular Democratic Party does not de-
stroy itself, or permit others to destroy it,
on the issue of political status, the next few
years will see enormous betterment in the
economic and social conditions in Puerto
Rico.

ON OUR CONSCIENCES

(Continued from page 48)

Labor Relations Acts fortify the boards they
set up by providing that the board's find-
ings "as to the facts, if supported by the
evidence, shall be conclusive." The Tempor-
ary Commission's draft inserted, instead, a
provision that "the findings of the commis-
sion as to the facts shall be conclusive only
if supported by a fair preponderance of all
evidence." The provision would have
wrested from the Permanent Commission
all real power in dealing with discrimina-
tion and turn it over to the courts. Criti-
cizing a similar provision in a federal bill
for another purpose, the Committee on Ad-
ministrative Procedure of the United States
Department of Justice held that it would
"require the courts to determine independ-
ently which way the evidence preponder-
ates. Administrative tribunals would be
turned into little more than media for
transmission of the evidence to the courts.
It would destroy the value of adjudication

ot tacts by experts or specialists in the field
involved."

The resulting delays, with their drain on
time and energy, would be only a small
part of the price for such a change. The
fact is that the success of such an ad-
ministrative body depends on the expert
and fully-informed judgment of men and
women constantly concerned with these
problems, and chosen for their sympathy
with the purpose of the legislation. Under
the amended set-up, the judgment of such
experts would be replaced by that of mem-
bers of the bench holding, quite naturally,
widely variant views on so controversial an
issue as equality in the right of employ-
ment.

2. The Temporary Commission's draft
provided that the Permanent Commission
might obtain an order from the court for
the enforcement of any ruling or order of
its own only in the event of failure of com-
pliance by the violator. These words could
only mean that after the Permanent Com-
mission had found that a complainant has
suffered from a violation of the law, and
after it had issued an order, the violator
could block enforcement in the courts by
claiming he had meanwhile corrected the
situation. The commission would then have
to hold a second hearing before a court
order could be secured.

As a matter of history, employers hostile
to the National Labor Relations Act sought
to have such a provision read into that law,
but the federal courts refused, saying that
such procedure would make a "merry-go-
round" of it.

3. Under the redraft only the employe or
worker directly involved could file the com-
plaint, which would be prerequisite to any
action by the Permanent Commission. Such
a complaint could not be filed by a union,
by a religious organization, or even by an
organization established for the very pur-
pose of securing the rights of minorities.

A procedure of this sort means, in prac-
tice, that if complaint is to be filed, the
worker involved must be able and willing
to risk his own job, if he has one, or be-
come known as a trouble-maker. Will a
wage earner who has been passed over for
promotion by reason of his color, race or
creed dare do this? Will one who has
found another job take on the burden of
the situation once he has left it behind?
Generally speaking, the answer to these
questions is "No." The provision, there-
fore, would have substantially undermined
the enforcement of the high principles set
forth in the proposed act.

These flaws in the tentative proposals
might be described as classic amendments
repeatedly inserted or offered by persons op-
posed to progressive administrative mea-
sures in order to limit the powers of the
agencies created to execute them. Happily,
they were brought out into the open by tbe
press and by participants in the public hear-
ings of the commission. Supporters of the
purposes of the bill predominated and
called for stronger legislation. However,
there is every reason to believe that the
representatives of special interests, are at
work to prevent any legislation at all.

The 1945 Bills Themselves

As this issue is in press, the Temporary
Commission has submitted its definitive
bills. Religious, social, and other non-
profit organizations are still excluded from
their scope. More seriously, only aggrieved
individuals may file a complaint, and must
do so within three months. But two other
major criticisms in this analysis are met.
Thus the preponderance-of-evidence rule
laid down in the tentative proposals has
been supplanted by a workable formula,
giving proper weight to the findings of the
Permanent Commission. More, the provi-
sions for securing compliance with that
commission's orders have been streamlined
and greatly strengthened. The legislation
recommended would mark a decisive step
forward in the fight to end discrimination
in employment. The fight at Albany will
be a real one, and it is essential that New
Yorkers who believe in the purpose of the
bills do not allow any division over minor
imperfections to play into the hands of their
opponents.

A limited number of opponents to such
legislation appeared at the New York hear-
ings in December. Some attempted to tag
the bill as "communistic." Others professed
that education rather than legislation is
what is needed to correct discrimination on
the part of employers and labor unions.
That oft-repeated argument should be con-
sidered in the perspective afforded by re-
cent polls conducted by the National Opin-
ion Research Center at Denver University.
The Center reported on a cross-section of
opinions held by white persons the country
over. This showed that most complacency
exists wherever discrimination against the
Negro is most severe. Showed, moreover,
that those who have had least opportunity
for education themselves are most optimistic
about the economic opportunities open to
the Negro. The less schooling they have
had, the more concerned they are about the
job competition they will face should racial
bars be lifted. Such attitudes do not pro-
vide fertile soil for improvement through
education alone.

These polls revealed, also, how muddled
and contradictory much of our thinking is.
Thus, 35 percent of these white people reg-
istered that their own standards of what is
fair treatment on the other side of the color
line are far different from those held by
N'egroes themselves. Fifty percent answered
that Negroes have the same chance as the
rest of us to make a good living in this
country. In another answer in the same
questionnaire, 71 percent admitted that
Negroes do not have just as good a chance
as white people to get any kind of job.
These answers should be read against an
earlier survey by NORC which found that
Xegroes consider economic discrimination
the most important grievance they have
I against white Americans.

On the one hand, we see in such cross-
I sections of opinion how complacency, vary-
j ing standards, discrimination, and prejudice
I among white Americans center on the key
I problem of equality of economic opportun-
ity. On the other hand, the most con-
I eentrated sense of grievance among Negroes
I stems from that same source.

True, these polls show how much educa-
tion is needed. But can the American
people afford to wait until the least secure,
least educated, and most prejudiced among
us are transformed? Economic discrimina-
tion is damaging alike to those against
whom it is aimed and to those who practice
it. Only legislation can crystallize our prin-
ciples in standards for all of us and can
provide the machinery to effectuate them.

TAXES AND EMPLOYMENT

(Continued from page 62)

inflation periods, and will leave the neces-
sary deficits in periods of recession. To
illustrate, when the national income fell to
approximately half its former level in the
depression of the Thirties, the personal in-
come tax, in spite of an intervening increase
in rates, dropped to one third. If, in addi-
tion, the tax rates could be raised or low-
ered as business conditions demand, the
tax system might become a really useful in-
strument of control even though it cannot
be expected to do the job alone.

The most encouraging factor in tax plans
so far offered is that most of the planners
recognize the close relationship of the tax
system to the problem of full employment.
Apparently they are all aware that however
desirable a balanced budget may be, there
is no hope of attaining it unless the whole
economy prospers-. Tax reduction is no
magician's wand and full employment
will not be achieved by this method alone.
Industry must learn that profits can be
made from low prices and full production
as well as from high prices and restricted
output, and that profits from a low price
policy are apt to be steadier than those from
a high price policy. Tax policy can supple-
ment price policy in achieving full employ-
ment, but it cannot replace it.

In short, while taxation may affect em-
ployment, the complete solution of the
problem of full employment will not be
found in tax policy. It is in fact the other
way round: full. employment is the first es-
sential to any satisfactory solution of the tax
problem. This must be borne in mind as
we approach a period when the country's
welfare may depend in no small degree on
the full use of our labor force.

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skill of doctors 97 per cent of the wounded in
this war are saved. The modern form of X-ray
tube was invented by Dr. W. D. Coolidge, G-E
scientist. X-ray units built by the G.E. X-Ray
Corp. are at battlef ronts the world over.

New lamp kills germf . . . Germ-laden air is
purified by the new G-E germicidal lamp.
It is already at work in hospitals, in battle-
front operating rooms. Tried in a school class-
room during a measles epidemic, only one-
fourth as many children contracted measles
as compared with unprotected classrooms.

Seeing the Invisible ... The electron micro-
scope, more powerful than ordinary micro-
scopes, gives doctors a new tool to fight
disease. Here is the germ, bacillus subtilis,
magnified 8,000 times. G-E engineers are
working to make available a portable electron
microscope for industry.

Help* treat Infantile Paralysis . . . Doctors

wanted hot packs to relieve pain and reduce
muscular spasms, but such steam packs tended
to burn. G-E workers put together a ma-
chine for hospital use that produces heated
packs that even at 180F. will not burn
the patient's skin.

Hear the G-E radio programs: The G-E All-girl
Orchestra, Sunday 10 p.m. EWT, NBC The World
Today news, Monday through Friday 6:45 p.m.
EWT, CBS The G-E House Party, Monday
through Friday 4:00 p.m. EWT, CBS.

FOR VICTORY BUY AND HOLD WAR BONDS

GENERAL 11 ELECTRIC

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Social, Economic and international Planning

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR A DEMOCRATIC
GERMANY, 8 East 41st Street, New York 17,
New York. Officers: Dean Christian Gauss,
Honorary Chairman; John A. Lapp, Reinhold
Niebuhr, Dorothy Thompson, Vice-Chairmen.
Program : The distribution of factual and
interpretive material on current developments
in Germany; the mobilization of support for
genuinely democratic German groups and
movements, both in the United States and
abroad.

AMERICAN COUNCIL, INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC

RELATIONS, 1 East 54th Street, New York 22,
N. Y. Research and study organization on
the Pacific area problems as they affect
America.

Special Labor Packet . . . 25c . . . includes:
LABOR UNIONS IN THE FAR EAST
Eleanor Lattimore

LABOR IN AUSTRALIA Lloyd Ross
OUR JOB IN THE PACIFIC Henry A.
Wallace

Also available: popularly written pamphlets
on China (by Maxwell Stewart); Philippines;
Pacific Islands; Korea; Japan; U.S.S.R. ;
India; Australia; New Zealand; Burma and
Malaya. Write for complete pamphlet list.

AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
(QUAKERS) 20 South 12th Street, Philadel-
phia, Pennsylvania; Clarence E. Pickett,
Executive Secretary. "Whatever concerns
human beings in distress, whatever may help
free individuals, groups and nations from
fear, hate or narrowness these are subjects
for the Committee's consideration." Present
projects include civilian relief operations in
England, China, India and North Africa; aid
to refugees, aliens and Japanese-Americans
in the United States with overseas activities
in Switzerland, Portugal, Sweden and Hawaii;
enrollment of students and other volunteer?
in world camp projects in the United States
and Mexico to improve social-industrial and
race relations; Institutes of International
Relations to promote study of religious and
economic bases for peace and post-war
reconstruction; administration of Civilian
Public Service Camps for religious consci-
entious objectors in cooperation with other
agencies.

Since 1917 AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS has

concerned itself with protection of rights of
Jews. Activities now embrace situation in
United States, Latin America, and Europe.
Its program includes defense against anti-
Semitic propaganda, combating economic dis-
crimination, law and legislation with a view
to strengthening democracy, political repre-
sentation on behalf of rights of Jews, and
amelioration of conditions for refugees; par-
ticipation in war program of United States;
preparation for reestablishment of Jewish
rights at end of war.

Toward this end it has set up, in cooperation
with the World Jewish Congress, an Insti-
tution of Jewish Affairs now studying facts
of Jewish life with a view to establishing
basis on which rights may be claimed at end
of war,

Also engaged, together with World Jewish
Congress, in political negotiations with demo-
cratic governments with a view to securing
sympathetic support for post-war rights.
Has recently established Inter - American
Jewish Council for inter - American Jewish
community cooperation in behalf of post-war
Jewish reconstruction and strengthening of
democracy. 1834 Broadway, New York City.

AMERICAN RUSSIAN CULTURAL ASSOCIATION

Devoted to strengthening cultural ties
between U. S. and U. S. S. R. Lectures,
Public Events Exhibitions, Classes, Private
Lessons in Russian given by graduates of
Russian Universities. For full information
address American Russian Cultural Ass'n.,
200 West 57th St., New York 19, N. Y.

AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PUBLIC ADMINIS-
TRATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37A,
Illinois. A national organization to advance
the science of public administration. All
members receive official quarterly journal
Public Administration Review, which presents
articles on current administrative practices.
Discussion groups for members in metro-
politan,, areas. Membership $5.

B'NAI B'RITH Oldest and largest national Jew
ish service and fraternal organization whose
program embraces manifold activities in war
service, Americanism, youth welfare, war re-
lief, education, community and social service,
inter-faith good will, defense of Jewish rights
and philanthropy. Membership 200,000 in-
cluding women's auxiliaries and junior units
1003 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.

INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

2 West 45th Street, New York 19, N. Y.
Stephen Dutrean, Director; Edgar J. Fisher,
Assistant Director; Washington Bureau of
the Institute, 927 15th Street, N.W., Wash-
ington 5, D. C. A. Handle Elliott, Admin-
istrator. A non-membership organization the
purpose of which is to promote closer inter-
national educational relations and understand-
ing between the people of the United States
and other countries through such activities
as the interchange of students and teachers,
and the visits of foreign scholars as lecturers
or visiting professors to our colleges and uni-
versities. Publications: annual report, monthly
News Bulletin, and occasional pamphlets.

THE INTERNATIONAL CITY MANAGERS' ASSO-
CIATION, 1313 East 60 Street, Chicago 37, III.
To aid in improving municipal administration
(1) annually issues the Municipal Year Book,
an encyclopedia of information about munici-
pal activities in the 2.042 cities in the United
States over 3,000; (2) publishes Public Man-
agement, a monthly journal devoted to local
government; (3) issues special reports such
as "Police and Minority Groups," "Measur-
ing Municipal Activities," "Municipal Public
Relations,'* etc.; and (4) provides a series of
eight practical correspondence courses in
municipal government. Write for complete
list of publications and a catalogue on
training courses.

NATIONAL CONGRESS OF PARENTS AND
TEACHERS An educational organization of
over three million men and women, working
together in 28,000 local associations to pro-
mote the welfare of children and youth.
Conduct a nation-wide program devoted to
home and school education, parent education,
health and social services. One of its major
projects is the preparation and distribution
of Parent-Teacher publications, among which
are the "National Parent -Teacher," official
magazine, and a monthly Bulletin, both issued
on a subscription basis; Proceedings of An-
nual Meetings; Community Life m a Democ-
racy ; The Parent -Teacher Organization, Its
Origin and Development. Write: Mrs. William
A. Hastings, President, 600 South Michigan
Boulevard, Chicago 5, Illinois.

NATIONAL CONSUMERS LEAGUE, 348 Engineers'
Building, Cleveland 14, Ohio. A voluntary
organization founded in 1 899 to awaken
consumers' responsibility for conditions under
which goods are made and distributed, and
through investigation, education, and legis-
lation to promote fair labor standards. Mini-
mum membership fee including quarterly
bulletin, $2.00. Elizabeth S. Magee, General
Secretary.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN, 1819
Broadway, New York 23, N. Y. FIFTY
YEARS' SERVICE TO FAITH AND
HUMANITY. SERVICE TO FOREIGN
BORN immigrant aid, port and dock work,
naturalization aid, Americanization classes,
location of relatives in war-separated families.
SOPTAL WELFARE AND WAR ACTIV-
ITIES Council houses and clubs, nurseries,
clinics; scholarships, camps, teen-age canteens;
work with handicapped. Participation in
national wartime programs through educa-
tional projects and community activities.
FmirATTON DIVISION Contemporary
Jewish affairs, international relations and
peace, social legislation. Study groups under
national direction keep Jewish women through-
out country alert to vital current issues. 215
Senior Sections in United States. 100 Junior
and Councilette Sections. 65,000 members.

SAVE WASTE PAPER
BUY WAR BONDS

NATIONAL FEDERATION FOR CONSTITU-
TIONAL LIBERTIES -205 East 42 St., Room
1613, New York 17, N. Y. A national
federation through which labor, church, civic,
fraternal and farm organizations, as well as
individual citizens, work to protect and
extend civil rights in the tradition of. the
American Constitution.

Maintains a national office in New York,
and a Washington Bureau to provide accurate
and timely information on civil rights issues
through publications, meetings, and special
legislative assistance.

NCFL Subscription Service: $3 per year for
individuals; $5 for organizations.

NATIONAL PEACE CONFERENCE, 8 West 40 St.,

New fc'ork l,ity 18. Through meetings, popu-
lar pamphlets and an annual study project
marking November 1 1 as World Government
Day the CONFERENCE contributes to the
education of public opinion for an organized
postwar world. Subscription price to the
N.P.C. Bulletin is $3.00 per year. Dr. Walter
W. Van Kirk, Honorary President; Dr. John
Paul Jones, President; Miss Jane Evans,
Director.

THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE
ASSOCIATION. Christine Melcher, Executive
Secretary. 525 West 120th Street, New York
City 27, is the professional organization for
counselors and others engaged and interested
in vocational guidance, and the publishers of
OCCUPATI ONS, the Vocational Guidance
Journal.

PUBLIC OWNERSHIP LEAGUE OF AMERICA

Facts about America's 10,000 publicly owned
projects Bi-monthly illustrated magazine
Extensive bulletin and leaflet service. "Studies
in Public Power" 25 chapters, latest data
on Bonneville, Grand Coulee, TVA, and
other great federal power projects for
individuals, study and discussion groups
with questions and answers, $5.00. Aids
municipal, state and federal government and
progressive groups. Send lOc for descriptive
literature. Address : 1 27 North Dearborn
Street, Chicago 2, Illinois.

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. 112 East 19th Street,
New \ ork 3. A cooperative educational
society built around a periodical rather than
a campus, and carrying forward swift re-
search and interpretation in the fields of
family and child welfare, health, education,
civics, industrial and race relations, and the
common welfare. Publishes monthly Survey
Graphic, Magazine of Social Interpretation
without counterpart, and Survey Midmonthly,
Journal of Social Work. Membership, $10,
and upwards.

WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION A non - profit
organization founded in 1910 by Edwin Ginn
for the purpose of promoting peace, justice
and good will among nations. This purpose is
accomplished through the objective presenta-
tion and interpretation of the facts of Amer-
ican foreign relations through publications,
study groups and a Reference Service.
Publications: Documents on American For-
eign Relations, 1938 (annual) ; America
Looks Ahead (a pamphlet series) ; and other
titles.

The Foundation also cooperates with the Uni-
versities Committee on Post-War Problems
in the publ ication of Problem Analyses
(appearing monthly).

Information concerning publications and other
activities sent on request. 40 Mt. Vernon
Street, Boston 8, Massachusetts.

This DIRECTORY appears In Survey
Graphic four times a year including: spe-
cial numbers. Its columns are open to
social action groups organized to pro-
mote good government, better education,
city planning and housing, improved in*
dustrial and labor relations, the safe-
guarding of civil liberties, land eonserva-

tlon, study of the Arts economic and

social planning in their widest aspirations.
Rate* are modent-^Let the Advertising De-
partment tell you about them!

SURVEY GRAPHIC for March. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 3. Published monthly and copvricht 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. Publication Office, 34
North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburu, Pa. Kditcnp.l and business office, 11L' i-J a.st 1!) Street, New York 3. X. Y. Price this issue 3d cents; $3 a year; Foreign
po-ta^e 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on .lune 22. 1940 at the post office at East Btroudsburg, Pa., under the Act of March
d, 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate oi postage piovided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3, 1917, authorized Dec. -1, 1921. Printed !n U.S.A.

Traveling Crime Laboratory

This laboratory travels the
country running down "crimes"
against telephone service. Staffed
by scientists of Bell Telephone
Laboratories, it can move to the
scene on a day's notice.

Always caught, its "criminals"
never make the headlines. For
they are not people, but such
things as a thread of lint, a trace

of acid, or sulphur compounds in
the air. Finding these enemies in
the telephone plant is one of the
services rendered to the Bell Sys-
tem by Bell Laboratories.

In an organization now concen-
trating on war work, Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories' people have
ferreted out substitutes for scarce
materials, have recommended

materials for difficult conditions,
have identified enemy materials
in captured equipment.

The services of these Bell Lab-
oratories' scientists are always
available to any part of the Bell
System. This ability to call upon
expert aid whenever needed is
part of the strength of the Bell
System.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

Among Ourselves

FRANK BROCK'S ARTICLE "WAR HELPS THE
Chiselers," printed in Survey Graphic for No-
vember and condensed in the December Read-
er's Digest, has received wide attention in
newspapers all over the country. It has
brought a barrage of letters asking for guid-
ance, which the author has taken pains to
answer personally.

One such letter from a reader in a small
community pointed out that city people can,
if they wish, protect themselves against war
fraud gyps, but people in small towns and
in the country lack sources to which they can
turn for information. Here is

Frank Brock's Reply

"WAR CHARITY CHISELERS, DESPITE THEIR WIDE-

spread depredations, are merely a minor fac-
tion of the large fraternity of gyps who are
eagerly awaiting war's end to resume practice
of their craft. Some part of more than $130
billions of investments, savings, and E bonds
now in the hands of the public undoubtedly
will reward their efforts.

"This threat has been anticipated, however,
and plans are already maturing to frustrate it.
Last October the Securities & Exchange Com-
mission called a conference of business or-
ganizations for a discussion of the problem
and a committee was appointed to study it and
report. Later meetings have been postponed,
however, because of travel restrictions. The
National Association of Better Business Bu-
reaus, with 86 bureaus in the United States
and Canada, is in the forefront of this move-
ment.

"My own small part, I think, deserves men-
tion. I have recently completed arrangements
through a firm of radio program producers
for a series of radio programs to be presented
over a national hook-up which will dramatize
the various swindles of the sharpshooting
brotherhood. The details of their schemes are
no secret, except to their potential victims. On
the theory that no one would be cheated if he
knew in advance what the swindler was going
to do, we propose to educate the public in the
tricks and devices of the non-violent racketeers.
It is hoped that a series of movie shorts will
augment this program.

"Community newspapers can help materially.
Through their press associations, correspon-
dents, membership in newspaper editorial and

In February Survey Midmonthly

OUR HONORABLE PARENT AND ESTEEMED CON-

tcmporary exhibits this month the results
of a combined face-lifting and streamlin-
ing in type, make-up, and cover. On the
stimulating outcome, we offer our respect-
ful congratulations.

Where All That Money Goes

by Cornelia Dunphy
The Man Who Will Come Home

by David Danzig
Books Windows to the Future

by Carl Dahl
Integration in Rhode Island

by Elizabeth M. Smith
Financing Postwar Welfare

by Etvan Clagite
A Town That Is Good to Live In

by Sherwood Gates

VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS No - 3

Survey Graphic for March 1945

Cover: Cartoon by Fitzpatricl^ in St. Louis Post-Dispatch

Henrietta Szold: Inscription 84

"Without a Country" JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN 85

Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT 89

Full Employment 93

I. What Beveridge Proposes: A British Plan MAXWELL S. STEWART 93

II. From Patchwork to Purpose: An American Bill. .LEON H. KEYSERLING 95

What Shall We Do About Germany? JAMES T. SHOTWELL 99

Statesmen Discover Medical Care " MICHAEL M. DAVIS 101

Letters and Life 103

Education in a Complex World HARRY HANSEN 103

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOJC, JOSEFH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, RALPH HAYES, SIDNEY HILLHAN, FRED
K. HOEHLER, BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, EDITH MORGAN KING, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER,
AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIE,
WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL
SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AHIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIFFLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field Representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50e;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.

Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.

business organizations, they have access to
much preventive information. Many of them,
however, are frightened by the libel bugaboo.
They hesitate to name known gyps or to print
details of their swindles until after they have
been arrested and the damage has been done.
The cure for this evil is prevention. Advance
information is essential. Some gyps may
threaten or even bring suit, but they seldom
risk facing trial. Better Business Bureaus have
been sued for more than $60,000,000, but
never have had to pay a dollar in damages.

"Few appeals for money charitable or
otherwise are so urgent that a day or so can-
not be spent profitably in investigation. A tele-
gram to the right source of information
usually will bring the facts, and sometimes
trap a swindler. No honest proposition ever
suffered because it was investigated in ad-
vance, but charlatans invariably urge that you
consult no one.

"In the absence of a Chamber of Commerce,
a Community Chest or a Better Business Bur-
eau, there should be some local center of in-
formation for citizens and I nominate the
community newspaper. It is surprising how
quickly sources of information can be de-

veloped and how the information piles up.
Certainly, no paper could render a greater
service or one that will be so badly needed as
soon as peace is declared. Money saved by
veterans of the armed forces, particularly,
must not help build a swindler's paradise."

Mr. Brock has asked us to announce that he
will be glad to direct community newspapers
to the sources of information, should they wish
to advise their readers against such frauds. He
welcomes letters about concrete experiences
with war charity chiselers.

Poll Tax Repeal

A GEORGIA LAW REPEALING THE STATE POLL TAX
was passed in both legislative houses last
month by impressive majorities and signed by
Governor Arnall. While this forward step
does not admit Negro citizens in "white pri-
maries," it does enfranchise Georgians of both
races who were barred or discouraged from
voting in general elections by the tax. Seven
southern states still levy a poll tax.

A southerner presented the case against the
poll tax in our pages on the eve of the 1944
campaign: "3.2 Democracy in the South," by
Stetson Kennedy, in the May Survey Graphic.

Studio Ganan, Jerusalem

1860 HENRIETTA SZOLD 1945

The founder of Hadassah died in Jerusalem in Febru-
ary at the modern hospital which is a living monument
to her faith in Palestine and in her people. A woman
rare in any country or any century, she had literally
crowded into eighty-four years several lifetimes of work.

Palestine was a desolate land when she first went there
at fifty and envisioned this institution of healing, of
teaching, and research which would help in its revival.
On the one hand, Hadassah came of that vision the
Women's Zionist Organization of America. On the other,
came its medical program in the Holy Land which makes
for health among Arabs, Christians, and Jews, through-
out the Near East.

She was seventy-five when she put aside thought of
retirement. For in the 30's she foresaw this ancient Home-
land as the natural place of refuge for tens of thousands
of Jewish children who would have to flee from Hitler's
Europe. Out of this second vision sprang Youth Aliyah
(Youth Immigration), through which thousands of young
Jews German, Hungarian, Rumanian, Polish have
been given a new chance in life. Today they mourn the
loss of "Our Mother," under whose intimate aegis grow-

ing minds and bodies sprang back to health, young spirits
found new nourishment.

Miss Szold was eighty when the Women's Centennial
Congress chose her among one hundred outstanding
American women of the last hundred years. First Lady of
Palestine, she was living in a small pension when a Survey
editor visited her a decade ago. Her single room radiated
her gentle modesty no less than her indomitable initiative.
Love for her native Baltimore was not shelved by love for
Jerusalem. She transplanted there ideals and standards
from that American span of her life.

On her last visit to this country Survey Associates was
fortunate to share in honoring her. Those at our luncheon
will remember her acknowledgment to American social
workers and health workers for tools that could be turned
to account in backward regions. We shall remember most
of all, sobering and stirring things she said of young peo-
ple for whom she held out a new Promised Land.

"Above all," said Survey Graphic afterward, her listen-
ers sensed "her vivid, yet serene and simple personality."
That here "was one of the world's great people, statesman
and sensitive woman at the same time." Loula D. Lasker

S U RVEV

PHIC

"Without a Country"

The plight of the refugees as victims of war and fascism a blueprint
of transcendent human need superimposed on the war maps of Europe.

JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN

WHEN THE BUGLES SOUND "CEASE FIRING"
throughout Europe, the Allies will find a
mass problem already entered on their first
order of business. That is the succor and
disposal of vast companies of people up-
rooted from countries they once called
home. Estimates vary as to the number of
these "displaced persons," as they are des-
ignated, but run at least as high as 10,000,-
000 men, women, and children.

They include those dislodged by invasions
and counter-invasions, but many have been
prisoners of war, or workers constrained
to labor in factories and on farms in Ger-
many, or in the countries occupied by the
Nazis.

Among them, also, are other peoples of
German stock, brought back from their
homes in eastern Europe or elsewhere and
settled in Germany or in annexed terri-
tories, especially Poland. This largely en-
forced migration had been in line with
Nazi plans for reassembling all Germans in
the greater Reich of Hitler's dreams.

On the other hand, great numbers of
these displaced persons were transported
into the Soviet Union from Poland and
other battle areas. Perhaps 20,000 other
Europeans were caught in Shanghai by the
war in the Far East.

Almost all of them, wherever they are,
will be eager to go home wherever it is,
once the war is ended. The task of army
and civil administrations in occupied coun-
tries, of UNRRA and the new govern-
ments set up, will be to arrange for their
prompt return. The reason is simple
enough. Most of them are "nationals" and
their governments will be active in bring-
ing this about and in seeing to it that they
are provided for meanwhile. Once they are
back in their native lands, these govern-
ments will have the duty of caring for them
until they can finally reach the village or
city where each can say, "Here I belong."

Within that ten million there will, how-
ever, remain another large group who
"belong" nowhere. They are the genuine
refugees for whom no government will
make provision, either because they are
stateless, nationals of no country, or because
they are unwilling to return to the land
from which they came. How many of these
there will be at the close of World War II
no one can know until things take clearer
shape in Europe.

Enter the Refugees

The refugee, then, is a person who for
political reasons has been driven from his
country of residence or who fears the
political consequences of his return. He may
be stateless or, while not yet formally de-
nationalized, he nonetheless may have lost
his status by refusing to return home when
the opportunity offered.

He thus becomes a person without the
protection of a government. In the modern
world, made up of national states, this has
wide implications. For the international
rights of any individual, such as they are,
depend for their enforcement on the action
of his home government. Furthermore, a
network of treaties between governments
reciprocally gives to the citizens of one state
privileges in the others, the right to work,

By the long time chairman of the
National Refugee Service; American
member of the High Commission for
Refugees Coming from Germany, set up
by the League of Nations in the mid-
Thirties. Now member of the President's
Advisory Board on Political Refugees
and chairman of the American Council
of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Serv-
ice. Former chairman of the Foreign
Policy Association and chairman of the
board of Survey Associates.

the right to the benefits of workmen's com-
pensation and other social insurance laws,
the right to education. Thus the alien who
is a national is assured through reciprocity
many of the privileges of a citizen. In con-
trast, the stateless person, unprotected by
any government, loses each and all of these
advantages.

But there is more to it than that. Every
country is obliged to receive its nationals
if they wish to return. Moreover, most
states provide for their own people when
in want. The refugee, on the other hand,
has no country to which he may turn as a
right. No country has a duty to care for
him in case of need. Normally a person
cannot enter a foreign country without a
passport issued by the government of which
he, himself, is a national. There is no
nation to issue a passport to a stateless
person or to a political refugee.

History That May Repeat Itself

The refugee problem broke with great
force upon the world at the close of the
last World War. There was a flood of folk
from the former Russian and Turkish Em-
pires into the countries of southeastern
Europe. These impoverished countries were
unable to carry the burden and wished only
to get rid of their unwelcome guests. The
immediate problem of relief was met,
though not too liberally, by other govern-
ments and by voluntary agencies. Their
further removal to places where there were
chances for them to find both shelter and
work was encouraged by authorizing a
travel document identifying the bearer,
which governments generally were willing
to accept at their frontiers.

Fortunately enough, the League of
Nations was in existence and, under the
inspiration of Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, it cre-
ated an organ that promoted agreements
between governments under which the lot

American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee

Jews make the greatest company of stateless people. Here are refugees from Central
Europe who fled to Italy, and soon thereafter found themselves put into internment
camps. Though Allied advance set these men free, they remain people without a land

of the refugees was made easier. Their
travel documents were improved and ad-
justed to meet new needs. They were as-
sured the privilege of residence in the
countries where they found themselves and,
to a limited degree, the right to work was
accorded them. Through it all, the League
organization under Dr. Nansen acted as a
kind of international champion for those
who otherwise had no government pro-
tection at all pleading the cause of indi-
vidual refugees before governments and
steadily seeking ways and means to ameli-
orate their situation.

Private agencies played an important
part from the beginning. They provided
material aid and, in cooperation with the
League authorities, urged upon one gov-
ernment after another more humane treat-
ment for these unfortunate people. More-
over, economic conditions were soon on
the upgrade everywhere. There was con-
sequent widespread need for workers to
make up the heavy manpower losses of
World War I. These and other factors per-
suaded governments to allow refugees to
live .and to work in their territories.

But when unemployment later struck any
national economy, these stateless outlanders

were naturally among the first to lose their
jobs, the last to find new ones. Always the
citizen has preference.

Then Came Hitler

Came the rise of Nazism in Germany;
came its excesses and, once in power, its
settled policy to drive Jews out of that
country. This was more gradual than war
in making itself felt. It seemed incredible
to many Germans, as well as to outsiders,
that the Nazi regime would go to the ex-
tremes of cruelty and hatred that it did.
"Appetite came with eating." The Nazis
invented worse and worse means of op-
pression as the lust for cruelty and greed
were unsatisfied. The Jews, native no less
than foreign born, were pushed out ot
Germany. Most left behind them all the
property and civil rights they had acquired
as useful citizens of the Reich and went
naked out into the world. More than that,
their relatives and friends abroad had to pay
ransom; and, to squeeze out this ransom,
were warned of what would happen other-
wise to their kith and kin still within Nazi
reach.

Alarmed both at the number of refugees
leaving that country, at the greater numbers

which seemed sure to come, the govern-
ments concerned created a commission in
1933 to cope with the situation, with James
G. McDonald, hitherto chairman of the
Foreign Policy Association, New York, as
High Commissioner for Refugees Coming
from Germany. As the Reich was still a
member of the League, this new com-
mission was not made part of its machinery
but was supported by private funds. Mr.
McDonald took up his work at a difficult
time. The widespread depression of the
Thirties was on and other countries were
especially reluctant to admit immigrants as
they themselves had mass unemployment to
cope with. The commission had little suc-
cess either in persuading such governments
to open their doors wider, or in pressing
the Nazis to lessen their persecutions, much
less to end them.

The High Commissioner and his suc-
cessors made some progress, however, in
dealing with the immediate problem with
which Dr. Nansen had sought to cope
of persons without a country. What was
done to help them was principally the work
of private organizations, or of relatives and
friends who helped them singly or in family
groups to find a home somewhere and an
opportunity to earn a living. Later, when
Germany left the League, that body took
over the work Mr. McDonald and his asso-
ciates had so courageously advanced. The
League's work for refugees both from
Germany and from eastern Europe was
united under Sir Herbert Emerson as ex-
ecutive officer.

Large numbers of these fugitives remained
in the countries of western Europe which
offered them shelter. The flight from Ger-
many, however, ended for great numbers
overseas. This was because so many German
emigrants had settled in the United States,
in other American countries or in the
British Dominions, and held out helping
hands to relatives and friends from Ger-
many. Also, because strong private or-
ganizations, some operating since the last
war, were deeply moved by the sufferings

Latin America Refugee Fuml

One of thousands of Spanish political
refugees who found shelter in France

SURVEY GRAPHIC

TM /- i t o r United Nations Information Office

Inese Ureeks from Samos who have found temporary refuge in a camp set up in the Middle East; the Spaniard on the page op-
posite; the Yugoslavs below all belong among the millions of people who must find a place to live after the war. Many can be
returned to their homes and will find a welcome; others may be afraid to go back to their own countries, or will be unwilling to return

of persecuted people and made provision
for them.

The Russian-Turkish situation after
World War I had differed from this. Most
of the people scattered from these countries
had remained on the continent or sought
refuge in Asia.

In the Thirties, Palestine was the destina-
tion of large numbers of refugees both from

Germany and eastern Europe. How great
a haven it proved is borne out by the fact
that Palestine, with only a fragment of the
population of the United States, has taken
in 120,000 of them compared with 250,000
who found refuge with us. An advantage
of no little moment is that refugees arriving
there cease to be such. Difficulties of ad-
justment to climate and to new ways of

United Yugoslav Relief Fund of America
Undernourished, frightened Yugoslav children reach shelter in a neutral country

MARCH 1945

unwilling i

life they had in plenty, but the immigrants
were accepted as permanent residents and
full opportunities in the new society were
open to them. In 1939, with the issuance of
a White Paper, Britain prohibited further
immigration of Jews into Palestine beyond
75,000 to be admitted over the next five
years. There are perhaps 5,000 certificates
now outstanding. What the future holds in
this area depends on a change in British
policy.

An Acid Test

Figures vary widely, but it has been
estimated that there remain in Great Bri-
tain about 60,000 racial refugees from the
Nazi terror; in the United States some
250,000; in Latin America perhaps 125,-
000; in Palestine 120,000 of whom about
half are Germans; and in other overseas
countries more than 50,000. Switzerland is
providing for around 24,000 and Sweden
12,000. Those found by the Nazis when
they overran western Europe were ordered
deported to Germany to work there, or to
eastern Europe, but since the liberation of
conquered territories some are turning up
who were able to escape arrest.

Other racial stocks are, of course, in-
volved but Jewish fugitives from political
and religious persecution make up the
greatest company of stateless people.

Their fate remains one of the acid tests
of humanitarian concern in the period
ahead.

When war broke out, the Nazi govern-
ment changed its policy but not for the
better. Most of the Jews in Germany had
been forced out when Hitler slammed the
door on those who remained. Instead of
driving the unfortunate victims of their
hatred from Europe, the Nazis set out to
liquidate them within the continent. There-
after, we have grim evidence -of another
trek of refugees not only from the Reich
but from countries under Nazi influence,
to the prison camps and work camps of
Poland. There, disease, lack of food, and
various forms of execution and of torture
so cut down their number that only a small
proportion remains. For most of them
theirs was an enforced migration to death.

Who Are the After-War Refugees?

As indicated earlier, there can be no
certainty in the present confusion in Europe
as to what will be the number of postwar
refugees stateless or those who are unwill-
ing to return to their homes. But we can
examine further sources and wartime
pressures from which they sprang.

We know that the Nazis brought hun-
dreds of thousands of people of German
descent from the Soviet Union and from
southeastern Europe and settled them in
what for a time was German-held territory,
principally in Poland. A quarter century
earlier, when the South Tyrol was ceded
to Italy at the end of the last World War,
some 80,000 had been settled largely in
the mountainous regions of Austria and the
surrounding country. It may be that all of
these people of German stock, now as then,
have been made German citizens as have
many hitherto of Polish citizenship. Those
outside the Reich at the war's end may be
treated like other Germans and forced back
into whatever territories are left to it. Others
may be among those required to return to
the Soviet Union and to other countries
whence they came, to help meet demands
for workers in rebuilding regions scotched
by the Nazi invasion. Apart from claims
thus made on them in the name of restitu-
tion, such countries may not recognize their
change of citizenship. (Former Polish citi-
zens are likely to be an exception.)

Those of German stock not returned to
their countries of origin will be people with-
out homes in the diminished Germany;
their permanent settlement will be difficult
in that crowded territory, and they will
present a problem similar to that of home-
less refugees elsewhere.

A large number of people from the Baltic
states, some brought into the Reich for
forced labor, some evacuated before the
advance of the Soviet armies, will be found
after the war both in Germany and in
Poland. Among them will be many un-
willing to return to their home countries
if these are under Soviet rule. That may be
true also of various races represented among
the 2,000,000 easterners from Russia and
elsewhere who have been working in Ger-
many. Of these, some few have even served
in the German army. Many were prisoners
of war taken during the Nazi invasion of
Russia.

The Soviet authorities have indicated
their desire that their nationals should re-

turn and help rebuild the country, and if
they do not do so will probably refuse them
protection. They will thus become stateless.

In southeastern and central Europe, par-
tisanship and violence in the war years have
provided poor seed beds for peaceful and
friendly settlement of the sharp differences
among factions. Whether conservatives or
radicals win out in these countries, there
are certain to be many who will try to flee;
others now abroad will refuse to go back,
thus creating further groups of refugees.

What are left of the Poles brought into
Russia may return to Poland. If not, they
doubtless will be taken into the Soviet
Union, so they cannot be counted as refu-
gees. Not so the Poles elsewhere in Europe,
Africa or the Near East, whose return will
hang on the character of the government
set up in the new Poland, and who, as the
die is cast, might sooner or later become
stateless.

It is to be hoped that a Yugoslav govern-
ment uniting all factions will finally win
power in that country, but if this does not
happen, those who belong to the "outs"
may not be willing to return.

In France are thousands of Spanish refu-
gees. Few are adjusted to life there, and
unless there is an overturn in Madrid, or
widespread need for labor in France or her
colonies, they will need help in migrating
elsewhere.

The Status of the Jews

Finally, we must reckon with the back-
wash of hatred and calumny against the
Jews in Germany and under spur of the
Nazis in all of eastern Europe where anti-
Semitism long had existed. This makes all
the more probable a large refugee problem
among what is left of German and eastern
European Jewry. German Jews now in
Poland will not want, nor should they be
required to accept, protection from any
German government. German Jews now in
western European countries, it may be as-
sumed, will be no more willing to do so.
At the start, they will be stateless if they
do not accept German citizenship and want
to remain in the countries where many of
them have long made their homes.

The situation in eastern Europe and the
Danube Basin is such that it is hard to
forecast how many Jewish refugees from
those regions will want to return there, or
how many can remain there under postwar
conditions. Many of them, especially from
Hungary, were packed off to Germany to
work. Many others from Greece, Bulgaria,
Rumania, Hungary and Yugoslavia were
sent to concentration camps in Poland.

Greece and Yugoslavia will take them
back on their prewar footing. The settle-
ment at the time of surrender can require
enemy countries to receive their citizens as
such and to end racial discrimination. The
hope is that conditions in all these countries
will make it possible for Jewish nationals
to reestablish themselves in economic and
social life; that their nationality will be
restored if it has been taken away; and that
provision will be made for turning back
their property. More, it is to be hoped that
they will be given a fair chance to play
their part in the rehabilitation of home

countries in which they hitherto had a use-
ful place. It is important that that place
be restored to them if the world's protest
against the Nazi doctrine of racial intoler-
ence is not to have been in vain.

The Soviet Union will be very influential
in eastern Europe and its policy of non-
discrimination may be expected to affect
governmental action there. However, the
difficulties of life, the heightened prejudices,
and the probability of unruliness in these
areas will drive many to seek refuge over-
seas. If so, they will not be technically refu-
gees; they will have the nationality of their
home countries, but as migrants they will
need much the same sort of help as the
stateless.

The comparatively few German Jews left
in the Reich may come, also, in the class of
refugees. Though they are German citizens
and though their civil and property rights
will have been restored to them at the sur-
render, it is unlikely that many will want
to remain where they have been subjected
to such wholesale cruelty and ignominy.
For sake of protection, it may be necessary
to assemble them, and they should be given
the option of relinquishing their German
citizenship and an opportunity to establish
their lives elsewhere.

It is probable that the new Germany
will be obligated to open her borders to
former citizens in exile and to restore their
civil rights. But they should not become
German citizens again without their con-
sent and they should be free to remain out-
side Germany. Even the unhappy lot of
statelessness may seem better to many of
them than to resume their citizenship in a
land where they have been so slandered anc
abused. Nor should they be forced tc
shoulder burdens which will fall on Ger-
man citizens in meeting reparations pay-

ments.

Tasks and Tools Ahead

Such an analysis shows that the greater
part of the European refugees will be found
in Europe at the close of World War II.
The first tasks will be like those after World
War I: to take care of them where they
are found; to intercede on their behalf with
governmental authorities in the countries
concerned; to provide travel and identity
documents. Many will be in Germany,
where a considerable residue can be antici-
pated of those who do not desire to return
home or who are stateless. The conditions
of their lives will be subject for decision by
the United Nations authorities. This will
be true in other enemy countries. In the
Allied countries, the governments will, of
course, control.

Likely enough, many refugees will have
to remain where they are found for a long
time. Governments will be too busy with
urgent tasks, including the repatriation of
their own nationals, to give the refugees
much thought. Outsiders may not be too
welcome, and it will be important for an
international authority to plead their cause.

Such an authority exists in the Inter-Gov-
ernmental Committee with its seat in Lon-
don, and with Sir Herbert Emerson as its I
executive officer, seconded by Patrick Malin, '
(Continued on page 108)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The electron tube "the most important invention of this generation." This in-
stallation changes alternating current into direct current for radio transmission

Westinghousc

Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp

A wonder story that surpasses the Arabian Nights the story of the
electron tube, and of machines that talk, feel, listen, count, sort.

WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT

FOR DECADES ENGINEERS DESIGNED AND BUILT

central stations which supplied electric en-
ergy to millions, invented electric lamps,
motors and coffee percolators, drove rail-
way trains electrically and saw to it that
Niagara Falls milked cows and sucked dirt
out of carpets. And all this without know-
ing what electricity was. Then came
Roentgen with his X-rays, the Curies with
the discovery of radium, J. J. Thomson with
his classic studies of the light that glows
in gas-discharge tubes, Einstein with
equations that tied matter and energy to-
gether. A few theoretical physicists who
were bent on tearing the atom apart and
finding out what matter is, and who had
no thought of radio, trolley cars or toast-
ers, told the world that a current in a wire,
a flash of lightning was a flow of electrons.
From this work came the electron tube
probably the most important invention of
this generation. The physicists proved again
that there is nothing so impractical as a

By the science editor of The New
York Times, author of "Science Today
and Tomorrow," a frequent contributor
to scientific and engineering periodicals
in this country and abroad.

Mr. Kaempffert is serving as our
counselor in developing the series of
articles, "The Future Is Already Here,"
of which this is the second.

practical man and nothing so practical as a
theory that works.

Now that the dreamy theorists have told
us that electricity is composed of particles,
just as a river is composed of drops, en-
gineering receives a new impetus, with so-
cial consequences which read like a tale by
H. G. Wells in his younger days and which
give economists much to think about. Many
an industrial process has been revolution-
ized. What were once possibilities and spec-
ulations are now realities. Years have

been telescoped into months. Electronically
speaking, we are in the year 1960.

The Universe of the Atom

It is impossible to understand electron-
ics without understanding the constitution
of the atom. Before the theoretical physi-
cists began to bombard matter, the atom
was supposed to be the smallest conceivable
particle. It was an infinitesimal sphere,
hard and indestructible. When the theorists
showed that it was far more complicated
than a grand piano or a telephone ex-
change, there was consternation. An atom
turned out to be somewhat like a solar sys-
tem. In the center was a nucleus or "sun,"
and around the "sun" minute "planets,"
called electrons, not only revolved and spun
but leaped from orbit to orbit in unpre-
dictable ways. The outer planetary elec-
trons could be torn away to leave only the
naked central nucleus or "sun." And these
electrons bore about the same relation in

MARCH 1945

size to the atom that a football bears to a
barn. In other words, not the atom but the
electron was the smallest particle of matter
and, therefore, the rockbottom of the uni-
verse.

This electron could be regarded as en-
ergy and as matter, and from this it fol-
lowed that matter was converted into en-
ergy and energy into matter. There was
no theoretical moonshine about this. The
conversion was a reality. All that the en-
gineer did when he generated electricity
was to tear electrons out of matter and
send them coursing over a wire.

The Slave at Work

With this new knowledge, Aladdin's
lamp becomes a reality. It takes the form
of an electron tube, the most remarkable
invention of our time. This Aladdin's
lamp does not summon slaves to build pal-
aces in an hour or to produce bags of
jewels, as it did in the Arabian Nights.
It is itself a slave with senses and capaci-
ties that outstrip those with which we are
endowed. It talks, feels, listens, counts,
sorts and measures, all because of its deli-
cate control of electrons. It may cost as
little as 25 cents or as much as $1,500;
it may be as small as an acorn or as big
as a prizefighter; it may assume any one
of about 2,000 different forms; it already
is the basis of an industry bigger than that
engaged in making automobiles, a five bil-
lion dollar industry.

Electron tubes are older than the war.
Look inside your radio set and you will see
them glowing faintly. If they look like
small electric lamps, it is because they were
evolved from lamps. There is a filament

coated with a metal compound out of which
electrons fly when the current is turned on.
But there is also a little metal plate and
a little metal grid between the filament and
the plate. The electrons flow from the
filament through the grid to the plate.
If the grid is electrified more or less, the
flow may be a mere trickle, or it may be
a torrent. English engineers call such a
tube a "valve." It is a good term because
it defines the function of the tube. That
grid is like a valve in a pipe something
with which electrons can be turned on and
off like water. The electrons that strike
the plate are collected in the form of a cur-
rent which can be made to work ma-
chinery in a thousand different ways.

A tube thus constructed made radio
broadcasting possible. In one form it shakes
the ether into waves much as we shake
a rope tied at one end to a post. The ether
waves may measure a few inches or twenty
miles from crest to crest, and they can be
sent around the earth with the speed of
light. The tube also detects the waves
even when they are all but spent. Since
only a minute fraction of the energy sent
out by a station is received, it must be am-
plified. Again electron tubes come into
play. And how they amplify! By con-
necting one amplifying tube with a second,
a third, or a twentieth, if need be, the
crawling of a fly can be made to sound
like a regiment of cavalry, the ticking of
a watch like the blows of a trip-hammer.

Walkie-Talkie and Television

Because some tubes can be made no
bigger than a peanut, radio acquires new
potentialities. Men in the caboose of a

mile-long freight train can talk with the
engineer. On the fighting front the leader
of a bombing squadron gives orders to
pilots under his command and takes orders
from staff headquarters on the ground.
Men in tanks talk with one another and
with generals in the rear. The apparatus
required can be packed into a container
not much larger than a suitcase. Still
smaller is the "walkie-talkie." Parachute
jumpers and patrols use it to communicate
with their commanding officers miles away.
Brakemen on railroads will use it to warn
of danger when a train is stalled instead
of walking back a mile and waving a red
flag. In a recent report, the Federal Com-
munications Commission predicts that it
will give physicians a calling service as they
make their rounds; that department stores,
dairies, laundries, and other business houses
will use it to give drivers instructions on
the road; that captains of harbor craft
will talk with their offices; that farmers in
the field will communicate with their wives
in the kitchen. What is called a "personal
radio set" no bigger than a cigarbox has
been designed. With it anybody in a city
can talk to his home from the street. We
have seen only the beginning of radio.

One of the innovations of the war was
radar a method of sending out radio
waves and detecting their reflections from
hostile aircraft many miles away. That
invention saved Great Britain after Dun-
kerque during those terrible months when
English towns were systematically bombed
for weeks. For radar made it possible to
concentrate the few available British fight-
ers exactly where they could do the most
good. We shall hear more of radar in

An electronic "chemist" which tests production in synthetic rub-
ber plants more swiftly and exactly than a battery of technicians

Westinghouse photos

Radio waves coat tinplate for the can factory ten times as fast
as the best previous methods, and save tin as well as time

SURVEY GRAPHIC

civilian life. It will prevent ships from
colliding in a fog or running aground on
a rocky coast, warn automobile drivers of
danger when they cannot see ahead. Pilots
of passenger airplanes will know exactly
how high they are over an elevation on an
inky night.

Under the pressure of war the electron
tube has acquired new powers. Because of
this acquisition, television on a grander
scale is promised. Viewing screens will not
be of present handkerchief size but as large
as those of motion picture theaters. House-
wives will probably do some of their shop-
ping by television. "Show me a nice
chicken," Mrs. Jones will say, whereupon
the butcher will hold one up for inspec-
tion. Department stores will similarly ex-
hibit their smaller and lighter wares.

Since we have been spoiled by Holly-
wood, we shall probably demand a new
television play every day a prospect that
producers shudder at. Where are the script
writers? How is an army of scene build-
ers to be recruited? Where are the actors
who will be required for the televising of
several hundred plays a year? The fate
of the motion picture theater is in doubt,
for which reason Hollywood companies are
as much interested in television as they
are in films. The press, already somewhat
concerned about the broadcasting of news,
is wondering what will happen when base-
ball games, prizefights, sports events, in-
augurations and political meetings are
brought right into the home, with all the
blare of brass bands, the yells of the crowd
and the rapid-fire interpretations of eye-
witness commentators.

Thinking Machines

More elated are the makers of business
machines. They have been watching the
anti-aircraft guns from afar watching be-
cause their fire is controlled electronically.
Consider what is required of an anti-air-
craft battery's crew. Allowances must be
made for the speed of a hostile bomber,
for the wind, for temperature, for baro-
metric pressure, even, occasionally, for the
rotation of the earth. There is no time
to make the necessary calculations on pa-
per. Electron tubes make the corrections
in a few seconds, so that the guns are
pointed at the place where the hostile
plane will be and fired at the right in-
stant.

The electronic mechanism can easily be
adapted to the construction of new busi-
ness machines. A 122-tube electronic mas-
ter-mind has already been devised which
saves 144,000 man-hours annually in cali-
brating apparatus for the Signal Corps.
That electronic mind calculates faster than
any mathematician can, and it never makes
a mistake. The keeping of accounts, the
dunning of creditors with bills will be as-
signed to girls who will handle cards or
slips of paper just as they now feed strips
of steel into a machine, and electron tubes
will do the rest. Huge machines have al-
ready been designed which occupy more
space than is available in a room of average
size and which solve problems in higher
mathematics for engineers. The pushing
of keys, the pulling of levers, the turning

MARCH 1945

General Electric

Electronic motor control drives in the Detroit plant of Nash-Kelvinator test airplane
propeller governors. Each governor, driven by a motor with a range of 900 to 3,000 rptn,
is held to the required testing speed by the control, even with a widely varying load

of a knob or two is all that is necessary.

When we enter the factory, we see the
electron tube at work in ways that were
inconceivable only ten years ago. It is con-
nected with a motor, a door, a conveyor-
belt, anything that moves, cuts, heats.
Here, a giant turbine spins. It is important
to know what the spinning drum is doing
at any given moment. Pressure, speed,
temperature and a few other factors must
be known to give the answer. The electron
tube performs the task. It measures all
the factors, converts them into meter read-
ings, so that a man has only to watch
a finger as it plays over a dial to know
what is happening inside the turbine.

Go into an oil refinery and you see the
electron tube at work in another capacity.
In a tower, high octane gasoline is separated
from something else. Is the rate of separa-
tion right? Is the gasoline pure? The
electron tube takes the place of the chem-
ist and gives the information wanted in
electrical terms and in meter language.
So it is with the production of synthetic-
rubber. Suppose furnace gases contain too
much moisture. Rust is then inevitable,
and rust is the enemy of the steel parts
of airplanes, guns, and tanks. The elec-
tron tube stands guard and warns when the
gases are too wet. A light flashes on a
panel and the man stationed there to watch
it knows what must be done. One such

electronic recorder can measure moisture
in a gas which is 1,000 times drier than
the air in the desert of Sahara.

In the Lockheed airplane plant, torches
are no longer used to weld 150-gallon
fuel tanks, with the result that the cost
of making a tank has been reduced to one
sixth of what it was. Westinghouse en-
gineers have made it possible to machine
the huge propellers of an aircraft carrier
700 percent more rapidly than before by
electronic means. Two sharp steel cutting
tools are automatically and electronically
guided over the surfaces of the propeller
(twenty-four feet in diameter) and in this
way perform in two days work that once
took two weeks.

The Tube in Charge of Heat

Heat is indispensable in nearly every in-
dustrial operation. Control of heat in-
volves control of temperature. We have
thermometers and other devices enough to
measure heat, it would seem. They are too
coarse when the difference of a hundredth
of a degree spells success or failure. The
electron tube steps in and with its in-
visible sensitive fingers swings a needle
on a dial and thus tells from second to
second whether there is too much or too
little heat. In this way the time of
brazing some machine parts has been re-
duced from four minutes to forty seconds.

Westinghouse

The phototitner (mounted at bottom of screen hood) shuts off the X-ray tube when proper
exposure has been made. It steps up X-ray pictures to six a minute, 1,000 a day

The electron tube not only controls but
generates heat. Doctors have used it in
this fashion to set up artificial fevers within
the body in treating arthritis and venereal
diseases. The patient sits between two
plates. Nothing touches him. A radio
wave passes through him, heats up his
tissues, quickens his physiological proces-
ses. Inside of the machine are the elec-
tron tubes that send out the waves actually
radio waves. Fever machines built on the
same principle are found in many a war
factory.

If heat is wanted on a spot of metal no
bigger than a pinhead, the electron tube
supplies it; if the area is a square yard,
the tube obliges. So nice is the applica-
tion that the metal can be heated to red-
ness or just enough to achieve a technical
purpose. Only three years ago it used
to take hours and sometimes days to set
the binder that holds layers of plywood
together. The electronic fever machine
does the work in minutes and releases men.
Wherever there is gluing and welding to
be done the electron tube is in charge.
Sheets of plastics are fused into boards.
Strips of metal are "sewn" together at the
rate of 1,800 invisible stitches a minute.
In "spot-welding," electron tubes join
metals before the whole mass has time
to heat up. If there is polishing to be
done, the electron tube is switched on to
melt down the minute hills that cause
roughness.

The household is bound to profit by the
introduction of the electronic fever ma-
chine. Bread, cake, stews, roasts all can
be cooked on an electronic range. You
may miss the golden brown crust on a
loaf of bread or the crisp shell of a roast
beef, for the electron tube sends out waves
that heat bread and meat from the inside
out. Still it is something that you can
cook a stew in your best china dish, time

the process to the second and let the range
cut off the heat automatically at the pre-
determined instant.

Hair-Trigger Control

When it comes to selective action there
is nothing that remotely approaches the
electron tube. Electrons are always nega-
tively charged. This means that they will
fly to a positively charged surface and away
from one negatively charged. The prin-
ciple is applied in painting. If a metal
kitchen cabinet is to be painted, a tube is
switched on to charge the paint negatively,
whereupon the paint flies to the positively
charged metal surface and sticks there.
So it is when dust is to be precipitated
from values. In refining plants, powdered
ore is dropped on a slowly rotating drum
electronically sprayed with either positive
or negative electricity. Ten million particles
that make up ten pounds of concentrated
ore drop off; the useless rest drops off
a little farther on. There are two piles
the one concentrated ore, the other mere
dirt. It is possible in this way to wring
one half of one percent of tin from its
ore.

Some of these electron tubes are what
the engineer calls "rectifiers." He means
that they change alternating into direct cur-
rent. Direct current flows in one direc-
tion only, like water in a pipe; alternating
current swings back and forth usually
sixty times a second. In many shops and
mills the motors on individual machines are
driven by direct current because speed
can thus be more easily controlled. It is
possible to change a direct current into an
alternating current by a machine called a
"converter" and thus give the shop what
it wants. But converters are difficult to ob-
tain because of the exigencies of war.
The electron tube now does the conversion.
It performs its task with a precision that

has given the term "scientific management"
a new meaning. The reason is that the
mechanical tools of a machine shop have
a rhythm of their own. Work must flow
from machine to machine in a stream that
must never stop. The electron tubes control
the pace of individual machines and
hence the whole shop. "You're too fast,"
they say to a motor and slow it down.
Everywhere in the shop the electron tube
watches and regulates. The control is of
the hair-trigger type sensitive and unfail-
ing.

The Infallible Watchman

There are micrometers in machine shops
that measure sizes down to the ten-
thousandth of an inch. The electronic
tube does better. No gauge can measure
powders which consist of particles that may
be of microscopic dimensions. But the
electron tube can. In fact it can measure
a millionth of an inch. So it is with
vapors. If there is only a whiff of an im-
purity, the electron tube will detect it
and flash a warning red light. Fruit grow-
ers save thousands of dollars annually by
using electronic inspectors to throw out
oranges and pears that are overweight, un-
derweight or off-color and all at lightning
speed.

Most of these sorters are photoelectric
cells, that is, tubes which change light
into an electric current by which auxiliary
apparatus can be set in motion. Even be-
fore the war we saw what the photoelectric
cell could do in railway stations. Carrying
a bag with one hand, a suitcase with the
other we approached a door. As we
did so we intercepted a beam of light which
fell on a concealed cell. With that inter-
ception a circuit was completed and ap-
paratus set in motion that obligingly opened
the door for us. When we passed out of
the beam the door closed.

The same principle is applied in several
hundred different ways. If smoke from
a chimney is too thick always a sign
that fuel is wasted the beam of light is
cut off, whereupon engineers are warned
that their fires need attention. Anything
can be electronically counted from auto-
mobiles traveling through a tunnel or past
a given point on the road to bottles or
castings on a belt conveyor or printed
sheets as they come off the press. The
thickness of paper as it is formed from
pulp on a machine can be thus gauged
and held constant. Cracks and holes in
thin sheets can be detected.

Go into any good pharmaceutical labora-
tory and you will see the photoelectric
cell peering into a solution and telling the
chemists how much vitamin it contains.
Go into a tobacco factory and you will see
cells sorting fifteen-cent from ten-cent ci-
gars. Go to any plant where powdered
metals are pressed and sintered into ma-
chine parts and you will see the cell sort-
ing the particles and counting them at the
rate of 50,000 a minute. An elaborate in-
strument of which photoelectric cells are
the heart and brain can distinguish two
million tints. The best that an artist can
(Continued on page 106)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

FULL EMPLOYMENT

/. A British Plan

What Beveridge Proposes

An outline of policy and action by which the democracies can outlaw
unemployment in peacetime, and provide steady jobs and steady markets.

MAXWELL S. STEWART

TWO YEARS HAVE PASSED SINCE SlR WlLLIAM

Beveridge submitted his notable report on
social insurance to the British government.
This public document, bold and far-reach-
ing though it was, has been accepted in
its essentials by the Churchill government
as the pattern for reorganizing Britain's al-
ready relatively advanced social security
system.

But as Sir William emphasized in his
report, the success of the social security
program depends on the abolition of mass
unemployment. No social insurance sys-
tem can provide adequately for all the vic-
tims of social misfortune if the productive
resources of the country are largely im-
mobilized. Nor can security be regarded
as a satisfactory substitute for jobs. As
Sir William puts it in his inimitable phrase-
ology:

"Idleness is not the same as Want, but
a separate evil which men do not escape by
having income. They must also have the
chance of rendering useful service and of
feeling that they are doing so."

The Peacetime Problem

Since the British government did not
ask him to prepare a companion study on
the problems of full employment, Sir Wil-
liam undertook the task on his own re-
sponsibility. The absence of government
assistance has naturally restricted the scope
of his study, but the "policy" for full em-
ployment which is outlined in his new
book* is marked by the same clarity, and
the same mastery of both details and es-
sentials which characterized his justly cele-
brated Beveridge Plan. With the result
that his two studies stand as twin beacons
in all the welter of discussion of postwar
economic policy in this country and in
Great Britain.

To say that "Full Employment in a
Free Society" is a remarkable book, or even
an outstanding one, is an understatement.
While it may never be a best-seller even
among serious books because of its tech-
nical nature, it is the kind of book that
exercises tremendous influence on the so-
cial and economic thinking of a generation.
If we are wise in our political decisions, it
may have great influence on the recasting
of our economic mechanism so as to elimi-
nate the maladjustments created by our
modern industrial system.

The problem of creating an economy that
will assure jobs for all is far more com-

* Ft'T.r, KMPLOYMFA'T IV A FRF.E SOCIETY,
by Sir William Beveridge. Norton. $3.75.

By an American authority on employ-
ment and social insurance. Mr. Stewart
is editor of the Public Affairs Pamphlets,
and an associate editor of The Nation.
He is the author of "Social Security,"
"America in a World at War," "Build-
ing for Peace at Home and Abroad."

Survey Graphic readers will recall his
critique of the National Resources Plan-
ning Board reports on demobilization
and social security in our special issue,
"From War to Work."

plicated than that of drawing up a work-
able program of social security. There is
little in the peacetime experience of either
Great Britain or the United States to indi-
cate that full employment is a practical pos-
sibility in a free society.

Since the industrial revolution, both
countries have always had available, ex-
cept in time of war, considerably more men
and women looking for jobs than there
were jobs to be filled.

Despite all the furor about eliminating
unemployment during the past two or three
decades, the proportion of jobless men and
women has never been higher than in the
period between World War I and World
War II. Between 1921 and 1938 the gen-
eral unemployment rate in Britain aver-
aged 14.2 percent. In those seventeen years
there was only one brief period in which it
fell to less than 10 percent. Furthermore,
unemployment was much more severe in .
the second postwar decade than in the first,
and more severe in both than in any cor-
responding period before World War I.

American workers were also much more
severely plagued with joblessness between
1930 and the outbreak of World War II
than at any previous time. Substantial re-

lief was not obtained in either country un-
til the rearmament program which pre-
ceded the war.

Yet when war comes, unemployment
rapidly melts away. That has been true
both in Britain and in the United States,
true both in World War I and World War
II. The contrast between the best peace
year and a normal war year is startling.

In 1937, which was Britain's best year
between the wars, unemployment was cut
to approximately 1,500,000. In 1943, the
number was not more than 100,000. War
presents rather conclusive evidence that the
number of jobs in the world is not limited
as so many people have believed. De-
spite the fact that millions of men have
been taken into the armed forces, the num-
ber of industrial jobs has increased sub-
stantially. Thus, it is obvious that the num-
ber of jobs can be increased whenever the
government supplies sufficient incentive for
doing so. Our problem boils down to that
of finding peacetime incentives which are
comparable to those afforded by war.

Wartime Lessons

Some of the factors which aid in pro-
viding full employment during a war can-
not very well be utilized in a peacetime
program. During war, for instance, the
individual citizen willingly accepts inter-
ference with his control over the purse-
strings. He will permit a much higher
level of taxation than in peacetime; he will
put his savings into government bonds;
permit the government to tell him what
he can and cannot buy; and even allow
the government to exercise some compul-
sion in telling him where and at what
tasks he should work. Since no one wants
such controls over his way of life in or-
dinary times, we must seek a peacetime

GENERAL EMPLOYMENT RATE 1921-1938 (Great Britain and Northern Ireland)

1922 1925 1924 B25 1926 1927 1926 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1927

Chart from the new Beveridge book

MARCH. 1945

program for full employment that can op-
erate without them.

Certain lessons can, however, be distilled
from our wartime experience. Chief among
these is the necessity for setting up a social
goal that is compelling enough to com-
mand the support of all groups within the
community, and seeing that sufficient
money is spent to attain this goal, subject
only to the physical limitations imposed by
shortages of manpower and resources. And
while it is not thinkable to apply compul-
sion in getting workers to accept specific
jobs in peacetime, the government can and
should insist on the elimination of all
"featherbedding" and other restrictions on
the use of manpower. Finally, as Sir
William reminds us, "war experience con-
firms the possibility of securing full em-
ployment by socialization of demand with-
out socialization of production."

Let us examine that phrase. In peace
or in war, employment depends on spend-
ing, or what Beveridge prefers to call "out-
lay." We shall have full employment only
if enough is spent to create a demand for
goods that cannot be satisfied without using
the whole manpower of the country. So
far as employment itself is concerned it
makes no difference whether the increased
spending comes from private business, in-
dividual citizens, or the government. Which
source the money comes from is charged,
of course, with high political voltage, but
the government alone is in a position to
take responsibility for seeing that outlay
is maintained. No one else has the neces-
sary power, and bitter experience over a
period of many years shows that spending is
always insufficient unless the government
takes a hand. Sir William insists that it
should be just as much the duty of the
state to protect its citizens against mass
unemployment, by assuring adequate spend-
ing, as it is to defend its citizens against
attack from abroad or robbery and violence
at home, by the use of army and police.

The "Human Budget"

To achieve this objective, Sir William
proposes a new type of budget. This bud-
get would be based, not upon money, but
upon available manpower. It would be a
"human budget." It would contain esti-
mates of how much, assuming full em-
ployment, individual citizens could be ex-
pected to spend in the following year. The
amount of public outlay that would be
necessary to maintain full employment
could then be computed. If this outlay can
be met within the limits of taxation al-
ready assumed, well and good. But if the
government is serious about full employ-
ment, it must be prepared just as in war-
time to spend as much over and above its
receipts in taxes as the emergency requires.

As an illustration, Sir William prepares
a British budget for 1948. Its principal
items are:

1. Private consumption outlay;

2. Public consumption outlay;

3. Net private home investment;

4. Public outlay based on revenue;

5. Public outlay based on loans;

6. Balance of payments from abroad; and

7. A computation of unused resources
derived by subtracting the total of
items 1-6 from the estimated capacity
output with full employment.

It is estimated that with full employ-
ment Britain's total output in 1948 should
be approximately 20 percent higher than
in 1938. This would permit a 19 percent

SIR WILLIAM BEVERIDGE

Delar

increase in individual consumer spending
(in contrast to the 21 percent reduction
which resulted from the war) and a 25 per-
cent increase in investments.

Uses of Outlay

The essence of the Beveridge program is
to be found, of course, in the things which
the government undertakes in order to
increase and maintain spending at a level
that will provide jobs for all. Everyone
understands how this is done in time of
war. But there is profound skepticism in
conservative circles regarding its possibility
in peacetime. Beveridge does not rely
merely on public works, or on a combina-
tion of public works and relief as did the
United States in the 1930's. His program
is a comprehensive one involving:

Public spending for non-marketable
goods and services, such as roads, schools,
hospitals, defense, and order;

Investment in a socialized sector of in-
dustry, including transport, power and
either coal or steel;

Creation of a National Investment Board
to provide loans and tax rebates to private
investment;

Encouragement of low prices for essen-
tial consumer goods if necessary, by a
system of subsidies;

Increase in private spending by increased
national income and broadened social se-
curity provisions.

Among the items on which the govern-
ment is urged to increase its spending dur-
ing the postwar period in order to im-
prove British living standards are: a na-
tional health service, nutrition, a broadened

educational system, town and city planning,
and, of course, the expanded social security
program known popularly as "the Bever-
idge Plan."

Some attention, he holds, will also need
to be given to the location of industries.
This is a particularly crucial problem in
Britain because of overcrowding in and
around London and the state of the "de-
pressed areas." A measure of governmental
control over industrial shifts he regards as
an essential part of a full employment pro-
gram.

Distribution of Labor

Even more crucial, and more difficult, is
the problem of controlling the location of
labor so that there will not be too many
workers in some localities, too few in others.
An analysis of prewar unemployment in
Britain shows that while every industry and
every section of the country had more
workers than available jobs, some sections
suffered much more severely than others.
In 1937, for example, the unemployment
rate varied from approximately 6 percent
in the London area to 24 percent in Wales
and 26 percent in Northern Ireland.

In a totalitarian state, the task of shift-
ing workers from one area to another pre-
sents no problem. They can be ordered to
move, regardless of convenience or senti-
ment. But such compulsion is intolerable
in a free society. Sir William believes,
however, that some pressure might be used
to encourage workers to accept jobs away
from home. Thus in the case of young
workers who have been trained at state ex-
pense, he feels that the government would
be justified in continuing the wartime re-
quirement of compulsory use of the labor
exchanges. And he suggests that if the
government lives up to its responsibility of
providing enough jobs for all, it would be
justified in imposing stiff conditions for
unemployment benefits on those who re-
main out of work in one locality for any
length of time. Beyond this, he suggests
that the restrictions on employment en-
forced by trade unions and professional
bodies should be rigorously reviewed to
see if they are still applicable under con-
ditions of full employment.

Of crucial significance to Great Britain
and of almost as great concern to the
United States are the implications of Bev-
eridge's full employment program as these
bear on world trade and prosperity. Ob-
viously, Britain cannot hope to improve
living conditions and provide jobs for all
of its workers without considerable trade
with other countries. But this imperative
raises fresh issues of international relations.

American Applications

Many Britishers are fearful of linking
their economy too closely with that of the
United States lest they suffer a repetition
of the events of 1929. If Britain follows
a policy of full employment but the United
States does not, Britain might readily be-
come a victim of our policy of "exporting
unemployment" or, as we prefer to call it,
of "stimulating exports." If the United
States and other countries continue to pur-
sue nationalistic economic policies after the
(Continued on page 105)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

FULL EMPLOYMENT
//. American Bill

From Patchwork to Purpose

Four ranking senators throw into open discussion the momentous
issue of where we go after the war and how we can get started.

LEON H. KEYSERLING

WITHOUT FANFARE, LAST JANUARY, JAMES
E. Murray of Montana, chairman of the
Senate Committee on Education and Labor,
introduced the "Full Employment Bill of
1945." Joined with him as co-authors were:

Robert F. Wagner, New York, chairman,
Committee on Banking and Currency;

Elbert D. Thomas, Utah, chairman, Com-
mittee on Military Affairs; and

Joseph C. O'Mahoney, Wyoming, chair-
man of the recent Temporary National
Economic Committee.

Representative Wright Patman, Texas,
introduced a companion bill in the House.

The range of sponsorship is significant;
and so was the timing, for that was the
first month of a new Congress which, we
can hope, will prove the first postwar Con-
gress.

Regardless of the vicissitudes it may face
before coming to a vote, this bill is central
to present public concern. Its short confines
and simple provisions embrace such vital
matters as the relationships between in-
dustry and government; between the Presi-
dent and the Congress; between the gov-
ernment and the people.

At such a juncture, it is good to remem-
ber that democratic states thrive upon the
basis of agreement about fundamentals.
Even our cherished rights to debate and
dissent such as freedom of speech, of con-
science, of assembly derive from a few
accepted propositions written into the Con-
stitution. Thus without complete agreement
about freedom of speech, no one could
speak out in disagreement about anything.

Our economic progress, like our political
freedom, depends in this same way upon
reconciling the privilege of differing about
many matters with the capacity to arrive
freely at an accord about some essentials.
Can we say as much for this Full Employ-
ment Bill that it stems from heartening
agreement on a few dominant factors to be
reckoned with in our industrial affairs? Let
me cite half a dozen in sequence:

The Opportunity That Is Ours

1. Our unrivaled American aptitude for
technological advance, spurred on by the
depression years and since driven harder
by the impulse of total war, has exceeded
the most fanciful expectations. Witness
Hagen and Kirkpatrick. In the American
Economic Review (September 1944) they
estimate that the output per man hour in a
grouping of basic industries rose from an
index of 100 for 1923-25 to 122 for 1929,
to 167 for 1940. Viewing the marvels of war

production, they conclude that the index
may well go above 232 by 1950.

The increase has not been so startling
in other industries or in agriculture. Yet if
we couple this rising efficiency with reason-
ably full employment, it has been calculated
that (at the 1944 price level) the value of
our annual gross national product, which
stood at 106 billion dollars in 1929, slumped
to 76 billion in 1932, and rose to 115 billion
in 1939 will reach 195 to 200 billion
dollars by 1950.

Allowing for increases in population, this
would mean by 1950 a general output per
capita more than 50 percent higher than in
the peak "prosperity" year of 1929.

2. If we come near this attainable goal,
we can assure the economic upgrading of
the average family and at the same time
preserve individual initiative, unusual re-
ward for unusual merit, and full incentives
to legitimate private risk-taking.

Without making it impossible for any
to get rich, we can make it unnecessary for
any to suffer proverty.

3. These bright prospects have their dis-

The general counsel of the National
Housing Agency is a South Carolinian
who studied law at Harvard and post-
graduate economics at Columbia.

Writing here personally, he has had
much experience up and down Pennsyl-
vania Avenue. Thus, he spent the mid-
Thirties on Capitol Hill as an assistant
to Senator Robert F. Wagner, on the
latter's great bills on Housing and Labor
Relations, National Recovery and Social
Security. Then came five years as deputy
administrator of the United States (now
Federal Public) Housing Authority.

Up to his elbows in war and postwar
matters in his present post, he was one
of 35,767 entrants a year ago for the
"Postwar Employment Awards" offered
by the Pabst Brewing Co., in celebrating
its centennial. The judges were Clarence
Dykstra, Wesley C. Mitchell, Beardsley
Ruml, and A. F. Whitney.

Mr. Keyserling's entry (rated second
$10,000) called for an American
Economic Goal; for concerted policies to
lift not only production and employ-
ment, but also standards of living; and
for a continuing inventory as both yard-
stick and lever. These concepts he ap-
plies in appraising "The Full Employ-
ment Bill of 1945" S. 380; H.R. 2,202.

mal counterpoint, if the shortcomings of
the past pervade the future. So long as our
economic system retains its brittleness, the
impact of twenty million veterans and ex-
war workers looking for postwar jobs 'will
deal it a shattering blow. That is, one which
ultimately might smash us down into a
depression as much larger than the de-
pression of the Thirties as our effort in this
war has been larger than our effort in the
last war.

4. Which of these two roads we follow
will not be left to fate. It will be a man-
made choice, representing a compound of
economic policies and programs put into
effect by industry, agriculture, labor, and
government. Our future is in their hands
rather, if we will, in our own.

5. In order that this compound of policies
and programs achieve optimum results, it
is essential that industry, agriculture, labor,
and government work together.

This imposes a double obligation upon
the federal government. As itself the largest
single conditioner of our economy as a
whole, its actions must be reasonably clear,
stable, and thought through to their ulti-
mate implications. It must also take the
leadership (for no other agency can) in
bringing its own variegated economic activ-
ities into harmony (through conference and
agreement) with those of private enterprise,
organized labor, and of our state and local
governments.

For each of these performers to take a
proper part in our national symphony of
productive effort, there must be a score.
Clearly each of them should play the in-
strument for which his gifts are greatest;
yet, if all of them are to keep clear of
discord, someone must wield a baton. Such
is the tradition of music; but dictation does
not fit into the orchestration of democracy.

6. Hence we must find equivalents for
score and director if we are to make the
music we want to hear. We must have a
unifying American Economic Policy di-
rected toward a common American Eco-
nomic Goal. (Of these, more later.)

The Gap Filled by the Bill

Once we found substantial agreement on
such points as these, it would be a far cry
from the time when serious men accepted
literally that the poor should always be with
us; or shook their heads forlornly at the
natural and immutable laws of the "dismal

MARCH 1945

FULL EMPLOYMENT IN AMERICA

SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM WHICH

WILL PROTECT SEASONAL EMPLOYEES. ETC.

60 _ MILLION JOBS

WORKS; HOUSING & OTHER VITAL
PROJCTS EMPLOYING UNUSED MANPOWER.

R.F.C & OTHER GOVERNMENT LOANS TO PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE ESPECIALLY SMALL BUSINESS.

FURTHER EMPLOYMENT IN PRIVATE ENTER-
PRISE STIMULATED BY GOV'T RESEARCH
FACT-FINDING INCENTIVES & INSURANCE.

MAXIMUM EMPLOYMENT
IN PRIVATE ENTERPRISE
ENCOURAGED BY
WELL DEVISED TAX
BANKING & OTHER
FISCAL POLICIES

FOUNDATION:
AN INTEGRATED ECONOMIC
POLICY BASED ON
COMBINED JUDGMENT
OF INDUSTRY AGRICULTURE

LABOR a GOVERNMENT.

THIS CHART ILLUSTRATES THE PROCESS. IT IS NOT INTENDED TO DEFINE THE NUMBER OF JOBS FURNISHED
BY EACH METHOD

SURVEY GRAPHIC

But even with consensus about what we
have and what we need, there would re-
main one difficulty that has balked us at
every turn. Aside from our war effort, we
have not yet arrived at enough fundamental
agreements or even the machinery for
achieving them with respect to the content
or the application of an integrated economic
policy to carry us where we want to go.

Curiously indeed, in a pragmatic and
practical people, we have not developed any
device for a continuing inventory of exist-
ing and largely disjointed public policies
even to measure whether these are working
well or badly.

The Full Employment Bill is designed to
fill in this gap. It would blend the economic
programs of private enterprise and public
agencies into one American Economic Pol-
icy headed toward what might be called an
American Economic Goal. No, the bill does
not use these terms. The goal stated is
simply this:

". . . the existence at all times of sufficient
employment opportunities to enable all
Americans who have finished their school-
ing and who do not have full time house-
keeping responsibilities freely to exercise
. . . the right to useful, remunerative, regu-
lar and full time employment."

But if we broaden this idea of full em-
ployment to include, also, the best utiliza-
tion of our natural resources and technical
skills (this, the bill at least implies) then it
may be said that it sets forth as our Amer-
ican postwar objective:

The achievement of the highest levels o/
production and presumably the highest
standards of living that are within our
reach.

A goal of this kind, aside from the means
of attaining it, would not seem subject to
much debate. Nor would there seem much
room for questioning the stated policy of
the bill that as much of this achievement
as possible should be through the medium
of private enterprise and other non-federal

WHAT THE AVERAGE AMERICAN WORKER CAN DO

PRODUCTION PER MAN-HOUR IN BASIC INDUSTRIES

232

167

122

100

PRE-WAR

'NORMALCY'

(1923-25)

PRE-WAR

'PROSPERITY'

(1929)

FIRST YEAR OF
'NATIONAL DEFENSE'
(1940)

WHAT AMERICA CAN PRODUCE

GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT IN BILLIONS OF DOLLARS

(1944 PRICES)

$ 195*200 BILLION

$ 195-200 BILLION

ESTIMATED FOR
'MIDDLE OF
POST-WAR DECADE"
(1950)

undertakings. This course stems soundly
from Lincoln's statescraft that

"It is the function of the government to
do for the people only what they need to
have done and cannot do for themselves,
or cannot do so well, in their separate and
individual capacities."

The Core of the Bill

' The measure, as drafted, rapidly gets
down to earth in the industrial civilization
that has sprung up in the United States
since Lincoln's time. It designs machinery
for formulating such an over-all economic
policy, for gearing it to such an American
postwar objective, and for consecutively
evaluating the means used in terms of the
ends sought.

Specifically, the bill provides that at the
beginning of each regular session of Con-
gress, the President shall transmit a Na-

$ 106 BILLION

Jj||fi :

?':SS:S:-SxSx : - : '- : ''

1$ 76 BILLION

PRE-WAR PRE-WAR

FULL WAR PRO- ESTIMATED FOR

"PROSPERITY" 'DEPRESSION' DUCTION' EXCESS REASONABLY

3-4 MILLION 15 MILLION CIVILIAN EMPLOY- FULL EMPLOYMENT

UNEMPLOYED (1929) UNEMPLOYED (1932) ,MENT, BUT 11 IN I960

MILLION IN ARMED

FORCES (1944)

tional Production and Employment Budget.
This would set forth, in substance, an esti-
mate of what at the time would constitute
full employment coupled with an estimate
of:

1. How much employment is in prospect
as the sum total of all private and other
non-federal undertakings.

2. How far these undertakings will fall
short of the yardstick of full employment.

3. What policies the federal government
can and should utilize to maximize the
success of these private and other non-
federal undertakings in achieving full em-
ployment; and, as a final supplement,

4. What programs the federal govern-
ment itself needs to undertake to assure
full employment. (Present estimates put
that at 50 or 60 million jobs.)

The bill contemplates, also, that the
President shall from time to time transmit
to the Congress information and legislative
recommendations bearing upon this Na-
tional Production and Employment Budget.

On the congressional side, the bill would
establish a Joint Committee on the National
Production and Employment Budget. This,
in turn, would be composed of the chair-
man and ranking minority members of
the Senate committees on Appropriations,
Banking and Currency, Education and
Labor, and Finance, and seven additional
members of the Senate appointed by the
President of the Senate. It would include,
also, the chairmen and ranking minority
members of the House Committees on Ap-
propriations, Banking and Currency, Labor,
and Ways and Means, and seven additional
members of the House appointed by the
Speaker. Party representation on the Joint
Committee would reflect automatically the
relative membership of the majority and
minority parties.

The bill provides further that the Joint
Committee shall study this new type of
budget transmitted by the President, and
by March 1 shall report its findings and
recommendations to the Senate and the
House, together with a joint resolution
setting forth for the ensuing fiscal year a

MARCH 1945

general policy to serve as guide to the com-
mittees on Capitol Hill dealing with re-
lated legislation.

The Place of the Bill in Our Thinking

It can safely be said that no future his-
torian will be able to date the decline of
the Republic from the introduction of this
bill! It proposes no redistribution of func-
tions between the Congress and the Presi-
dent. It fastens upon no single economic
program or panacea for producing full em-
ployment, nor does it introduce specific
economic measures that have not now been
tried out. It involves neither socialization
nor nationalization of anything that is
now privately owned or operated.

So far as philosophy goes, the bill
preaches neither the expansion of govern-
mental functions nor the contraction of
voluntary initiative. To the contrary, it ex-
plicitly requires that every effort be made
to enlarge our system of private enterprise
as our first and longest front against un-
employment.

As a second line of defense, the bill con-
templates that, by some method, the gov-
ernment shall provide jobs for those who
want work when all other methods have
failed to employ them. But this residual
responsibility of government by the people,
for the people, was itself put forward last
fall with equal fervor by Franklin D.
Roosevelt and Thomas E. Dewey.

What is more two considerations that
have not always been uppermost in the
past the bill requires that jobs provided
through direct public action shall be tested
in terms of their effect upon stimulating
private enterprise and in terms of the value
of their end products.

More difficult to allay may be trepidation
that a thorough-going national policy to
assure full employment would tend toward
the spread of bureaucracy, toward public
control and operation in an ever-increasing
area of economic activity.

Wise application of the act would pull
strongly in exactly the opposite direction.
Let us suppose, for example, that a National
Production and Employment Budget had
been in effect during a period of reasonably
high employment before 1929. One factor
entering into that fall's crisis was the failure
of mass purchasing power to keep pace
with productive capacity. Other factors
were rampant speculation in securities and,
in reaction to this, the psychology of busi-
ness fear and contraction which came to a
head in the stock market crash.

Under a National Production and Employ-
ment Budget, depressive tendencies would
have been registered through its continuing
annual inventories long before the country
was thrown into the spiral of depression.

By 1927, the economic brains and re-
sources of America could have been mar-
shaled to exercise a corrective influence all
along the line. As time wore on, President
Hoover sensed this, but his plea to stop
wage cutting went unheeded.

Concerted advance action throughout the
highly strategic areas of prices, taxes and
wages, accompanied by moderate public
works, would have written a different story
and gone a long way toward maintaining

our economy in equilibrium. Much of this
could have been voluntary; some would
have required legislation or compulsion.
Prompt public moves in a limited sphere
might have averted a major economic
catastrophe. There would have been no
occasion for the infinitely more sweeping
governmental undertakings which the
actual catastrophe provoked.

This illustration suggests a variety of
reasons why such a system for budgetary
production and employment should sim-
plify and pare down the governmental struc-
ture. The testing of each separate admin-
istrative institution in terms of a single
American Economic Policy would help
weed out duplication and cross-purposes. A
constant inventory of economic trends in
general and of the economic consequences of
policies already in effect, would encourage
the stitch in time that saves nine. By
keeping our economic affairs on an even
keel, the proliferation of remedial and
rescue ventures can be avoided. In short, to
compress these analogies into a rule of
thumb:

If the American government, in concert
with industry, agriculture, and labor, did a
few things very well, it would become
unnecessary for it to attempt under duress
of emergency a great variety of things with
varying degrees of success.

Of course, the economic specifics for ef-
fecting a smooth transition from war to
peace are very different from those which
might have averted or have minimized the
depression of the Thirties. But the Full
Employment Bill does not involve pre-com-
mitment to details. As illustrated by the
accompanying chart (page 96), it presents
instead a new method for developing sound
measures to meet current problems in their
sequence. It has the merit of being oppor-
tune, without the demerit of resorting
habitually to improvization to handle a
crisis. It leaves room for fresh experiment
without abandoning the hard lessons of
experience.

When Things Are Left at Loose Ends

What, in truth, has our experience taught
us? By way of illustration, more than half
a century ago we initiated the anti-trust
laws. It is not important, here, to appraise
whether these laws were wise or not. The
point to be made is that even while Uncle
Sam was shaking the big stick at the
trusts, federal tariff and tax policies moved
in diametrically the opposite direction to-
ward encouraging nothing less than large
scale enterprise and monopoly. Not only
were these two sets of policies in conflict
responsive to different social pressures and
tuned to tickle different political ears but
there was never much meticulous checking
as to whether they were accomplishing
clear objectives, however inconsistent these
might be.

Moreover, the failure to orientate the
anti-trust laws themselves to goals for the
economy as a whole, led inescapably to
vagaries when we came to apply them. We
commenced to promote recovery in 1933
by a virtual suspension of these laws. We
sought to prevent business recession after
1937 by reinvigorating them. And we have

gone about promoting the war effort in
some quarters by enforcing anti-trust laws,
in other quarters by ignoring them.

In contrast, the series of economic mea-
sures enacted in 1933 and after represented
a concerted effort to develop a system of
interrelated public policies. Nonetheless, it
has been observed frequently that the Na-
tional Industrial Recovery Act and the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, the two big
cylinders of the New Deal recovery ma-
chine, were in some degree incompatible.

There were three main programs under
the Recovery Act itself one designed to
strengthen labor through encouragement of
collective bargaining; another, to strengthen
trade associations and tending toward re-
stricted production; and the third, to ex-
pand production and employment through
public works. These programs soon became
conspicuously strange bedfellows. Some of
the conflicts were smoothed over; none was
completely rationalized.

Our need for a unified American Eco-
nomic Policy is not limited to times of
stress. Our social security program sprang
from emergency in the mid-Thirties, but
in the years since, the program as it has
developed has exhibited the same need for
wider unity. Take unemployment compen-
sation which was advocated along three
lines:

To spur managements to concentrate
upon stabilizing employment;

To check the spread of unemployment by
maintaining purchasing power; and

To provide compensation (not charity)
for those unemployed.

These three purposes are not rriutually
exclusive; all of them are worthwhile, but
the system should delineate paramount and
secondary objectives and be accompanied by
some device for measuring success ir
achieving each of them.

Collateral effects, also, should be weighed
for example, the influence of the payroll
taxes, imposed by the Social Security Act,
upon capital investment and consequently
upon unemployment itself. Further, the re-
lation of the system to other programs with
kindred purposes should be explored. For
example, to other stabilizing programs,
such as tax incentives or the guaranteed
purchase of excess products; and to other
purchasing power programs, such as public
works.

This adds up to the conclusion that we
can have an organic social security policy
only as part of an American Economic
Policy.

The Art of Finding Unity

The foregoing is not critical of those who
have been responsible for establishing or
administering separate programs of this
sort. In the absence of an all-inclusive
American Economic Policy, it is hard to
arrive at a satisfying tax policy, or social
security policy, or public works policy, or
labor policy, or banking policy, or foreign
economic policy. One test of subsidiary ob-
jectives is to fit them into the over-all
objective. We cannot excel in parts until we
know what the whole job is and how we
are getting along with it.

(Continued on page 106)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

What Shall We Do About Germany?

The answer can be found in the universal ruins of universal
war. Not in misleading lessons of history, but in the vast
revolution in human affairs that has been wrought by science.

FlRST A WORD ABOUT BRIDGES. EVERY BRIDGE

in France and I suppose elsewhere in
continental Europe which crossed a stream
of any size, had a hidden chamber built
into the arch, the location of which was
known to the engineers of Bridges and
Highways (Fonts et Chaussees). This
chamber was so placed that if and when an
invading enemy came down the road, a
single charge of explosives could blow up
the span.

Although nothing was said about it prior
to the Nazi blitz those who lived in any
countryside were always aware of this pro-
vision for their defense, a provision that is
altogether real where every stream may be
a battlefront, and doubly real when neigh-
boring countries are powerful and aggres-
sive.

Can anyone imagine such a bridge built
over the Wabash? Yet, if our frontiers were
like those of the European states and our
history had been as full of recurring wars
with our neighbors as the long history of
the European peoples, we should want the
same kind of protection which they have
built into not only their bridges, but the
structure of their political and social life.

Now as a result of the greatest of all
invasions in the most terrible of all wars,
the European peoples want something bet-
ter than a bridge that can be blown up
when the enemy approaches. They want
something better than a Maginot Line of
defense, or even a Siegfried Line on the
frontier. They have learned by tragic ex-
perience that there are no such Lines in
the sky and that all war from now on is
Total War, which means infinite disaster
to everyone.

The bridges of the future must, therefore,
be unlike any of those in the past; because
the future to which they lead has no parallel
in history. >

A Twice Told Tale

The Second World War has shown still
more clearly than the First that we are
turning a great divide in human history.

The countries of modern Europe, like the
city states of ancient Greece, have produced
a marvelous culture in the midst of a con-
stant threat of destruction by war. Like
the ancient Greeks they learned how to
turn war to their advantage as nation after
nation rose for a time to supremacy and.
by the might of its arms, imposed its will
upon others. This story of war has been the
constantly recurring theme in the history
of the European states, as it was for Sparta
and even Athens. And the end may be the
same. For it is clear to all thoughtful Euro-
peans that the culture which they have built

JAMES T. SHOTWELL

BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE

Second in a series of articles by the
historian of World War I, chairman of
the Commission to Study the Organiza-
tion of Peace.

up in the long course of centuries cannot
survive another World War, now that
modern science has developed its potentiali-
ties for destruction.

To put the case in the briefest terms:
there must either be a new European civil-
ization, free from war and the threat of it,
or there will be no European civilization at
all. It is no flight of the fancy, but sober
truth, that unless the menace of war can be
overcome, the Dark Ages will close again
on the most promising chapter of the his-
tory of the West.

Unfortunately, that history throws no
clear light upon the solution of this greatest
of all problems. Or, rather, the light it
throws is utterly misleading, for the climax
of militarism was apparently the climax of
culture. The only interval of unity which
the West enjoyed was under the Roman
Empire. Peace was secured by ruthless con-
quest, but was finally lost to the very sol-
diery which won it. Although within this
mighty fabric of the ancient world, G"eek
philosophy and Christian doctrine fovnd
their place in the body of the Roman Law,
Roman citizenship became less a privilege
than a burden as bureaucrats took over the
management of the State, at the behest of
the Imperator.

With Freedom gone, the vitality of an-
tique civilization perished. Finally only a
hollow shell was left and the barbarians
roamed through the ancient seats of culture
almost unopposed.

Throughout succeeding centuries, how-
ever, the might of Imperial Rome and the
splendor of its achievements fastened them-
selves upon the imagination of the Western
world. Popes and emperors drew upon the
prestige of Augustus and Hadrian. Poets
like Dante and historians like Gibbon and
Mommsen looked back to the era of the
Caesars with a nostalgic sense of its great-
ness.

It was not until our own day that this
greatest of all the romances of history was
analyzed with the cold measurement of ob-
jective science. Even Mommsen failed to
appreciate the fact that the ultimate disaster
was inherent in the structure of the Roman
State from the start because of the war
system upon which it was so largely based.
The predatory economics of conquest could

not, in the very nature of the case, provide
a lasting basis for wealth or for healthy
citizenship.

These facts of history are only now
emerging in the new status of the social
and political sciences and no one has yet
re-written the history of the West to show
the effect of war upon the processes of
civilization.

It was natural, therefore, that the war
system, as the readiest and most powerful
solvent of all political and social problems,
should maintain itself and continue to oper-
ate in the national state, especially since it
was by war that the nations of Europe
overthrew the anarchy of feudalism. The
fact that law and order grew under the
supreme war lord, who was the king, gave
an added legitimacy to sovereignty itself,
which maintained the right to go to war
whenever a nation's interests seemed to
call for it.

Roots of Nazi Policy

My little excursion into Europe's past leads
directly into the supreme problem of today
that of the elimination of war as an in-
strument of policy, because the supreme use
of that instrument by Prussian militarism
was definitely modeled upon the experience
of Rome. It was not by chance that, in the
days of the Prussian liberation after Napo-
leon, a galaxy of German historians rebuilt
Roman history and they continued to do so
through the nineteenth century, a move-
ment which culminated in Mommsen's
masterly survey of Roman history and
government. This not only strengthened
the trend towards militarism but also put
the accent upon loyalty to the State as the
supreme civic virtue. There was no room
for democracy in such a history or Weltan-
schauung, but a justification for Bismarck
and von Moltke.

The roots of Nazi polity are therefore
deeper than even the history of Prussia it-
self. They go back through history to the
beginning of time, for the war system goes
back that far. Therefore, it is not only the
history of Nazism and of Prussia which
must be re-learned, but the history of civil-
ization itself, with a proper appraisal of the
evils which war has caused alongside its
use as a defense against aggression and the
forces of anarchy.

Such a re-appraisal of the past would
have only an academic interest, if it were
not for the fact that in our own day science
has changed the nature of war itself. All
war will be Total War from now on, and
Total War cannot be waged without mili-
tarizing the entire society not only of the
belligerents, but of the onlooking and ap

MARCH 1945

prehensive neutrals, so that it becomes a
contagion of disaster and not an instrument
under command. This means that to re-
vive a great phrase which President Roose-
velt first used on October 5, 1937 we must
insure ourselves against war by quarantin-
ing the nations which resort to it.

What We Must Think Through

This brings us at once from the past of
Germany to its future. What should we do
about it? We cannot leave this question to
be settled by the great Triumvirate whose
shadow now falls across the German Reich,
although their decisions . will settle many
aspects of it. In its long reach, it is our
problem to be thought through by each of
us, not only because of its absorbing inter-
est, but because German propaganda will
be challenging our strength of purpose for
years to come. They will fall back upon
history. What have we to fall back upon?

There can be no doubt about the answer.
It is to be found not in the blundering and
tragic centuries, but in the present and the
future, in the universal ruins of a universal
war and in the fact that science, which has
so greatly changed the nature of warfare, is
a process which has only just begun and
is going on forever, increasing its capacity
by geometric progression. Every invention
disturbs the existing equilibrium and thus
calls for new inventions, which the intelli-
gence of men will continually supply. It is
in the light of this incredibly vast revolu-
tion in human affairs that the old argu-
ments in support of war become not only
invalid but well-nigh criminal, because if
followed through, mankind will have no
future at all.

Now how can we educate Germany,
which has become the fanatic exponent of
the outworn past, into the new era which
science has imposed upon us?

The first step is one on which all agree.
We must destroy the mock Caesarism that
has attempted to bestride the world. This
means not only getting rid of Hitler and
the minions of his court, but the legions
which have responded to his command and
the munition industries which have made
the Nazi conquests possible.

The only way to do this is to apply force
to the uttermost. It is primarily a military
problem and was treated as such at Yalta.

The Crimea Agreement reaffirmed the
three powers' "inflexible purpose to destroy
German militarism and Nazism and to
insure that Germany would never again
be able to disturb the peace of the world.
... It is not our purpose to destroy the
people of Germany. . . ."

The destruction of German militarism
does not deny the German people a place
in the sun. They are only to be denied
other peoples' places in the sun. It
would, in my opinion, be a grave blunder
if the peace settlement were to result in
placing great sections of the German popu-
lation under foreign rule; and it would be
only a degree less dangerous for it to
result in the parceling up of Germany into
separate German states. German economic
life could not be prosperous if these political
units were barred from tree economic inter-
course with each other; and if they were

free to deal with each other as they are
today, the different sections of Germany
would then find an easy pathway to a re-
covery of their unity by a process which
would find no little outside support.

But if the parcelization of Germany must
be avoided, how can we make sure that
nation will not turn all its energy to secur-
ing revenge in a Third World War? This
is a question to which no one can have the
final answer. But at least the program in-
volves one major policy affecting us.

Our Object Lesson

International trade must become as free
as possible so that Germany cannot renew
its economic imperialism over those nations
which are least able to defend themselves
economically. Here we come at once upon
a definite shaping of American policy. For
a few years after this war and for a few
years only we shall be immensely power-
ful in the economic sphere. If we use that
power farsightedly it can be a major
weapon against the revival of German mili-
tarism, or for that matter against any other
attack on the liberties of free nations.

We should build upon Cordell Hull's bi-
lateral agreements for the reduction of trade
barriers so as to transform them into a
multi-lateral plan. We should do this any-
way without regard to what takes place in
Germany, for the sake of our own indus-
tries and the vast, inescapable problem of
postwar employment. It is, of course, pos-
sible that we may not be wise enough to do
the right thing because vested interests may
block our path and distort our vision. But
it is only in a world of economic prosperity
that we can hope to build the structure of
an enduring peace.

I have not said anything about the re-
education of the German mind through
schools and colleges. There are those among
us who seem to think that it will be our
duty to engage in an evangelistic crusade
over a beaten people. Surely we know
enough about human nature to realize how
utterly mistaken it would be for prophets
of freedom to preach their gospel to the
closed ears of a generation bitterly resentful
of defeat.

Our way to reach that generation is a
much more practical one. Utter defeat must
be registered in provisions for war pre-
vention, so that the means for resort to war
will no longer be at hand. Then the bene-
fits of peace must be made apparent bv
sound economic and social measures. Words
will not suffice, nor idle promises. We shall
have to show that this program is not
make-believe, but that nations reared under
freedom are more powerful in war and
happier in peace than those whose minds
are trained to slavery. The object lesson
is the one lesson which will be effective.

At the Crimea conference important de-
cisions were taken as to the treatment of
Germany. While rejoicing that the three
powers are in agreement on such treatment,
we must not forget that the small states,
many of which are Germany's immediate
neighbors, have all equally vital interest
in such a settlement and less of a chance to
enforce their will. They, too, should be
consulted, both as to the treatment of

Germany and in the planning of their own
future. And this step should be taken at
the earliest possible date.

It is true that a state of emergency will
exist for some time to come which will call
for local action in redress of grievances and
limited areas of international action. But
these plans must be made and carried out
with due regard to the ultimate realiza-
tion of that world organization to maintain
peace and security which was agreed upon
by the four Great Powers of the United
Nations at Moscow and given further form
and reality at Dumbarton Oaks.

The Big Three and France

It is doubly important that this planning
for the future should now be shared by
nations other than the three Great Powers
which have led hitherto.

It should not be forgotten, although it is
easy for us to do so, that none of these
three belongs to Continental Europe in the
strict sense of that term.

Britain has until now been cut off from
Europe by more than the Channel; its tra-
ditional policy of the balance of power rest
upon a conception of Britain watching the
drama of continental politics, deeply inter-
ested but still a spectator.

Russia has only recently come within the
circle of continental politics; and, since it
undertook its great experiment of com-
munism, it has held off and been held off
almost as though it did not belong in the
state system of today.

As for the United States, we are suffici-
ently foreign to the whole European scene
to be regarded only as crusaders in times of
crisis and not permanent members of the
community.

The first step in the rectification of this
situation is the recognition of the role of
France, both on its own behalf and on be-
half of other continental countries which
still look to it as the outstanding exponent
of freedom and democracy. The Third
Republic may have been weak and its pol-
itics corrupt, but it at least was a champion
of the forces against the Nazis. Belgium,
The Netherlands, Norway and other coun-
tries have each earned the right to stand
alongside the Great Powers in the United
Nations. They will add strength to the
organization and save it from bearing even
a semblance of a Holy Alliance.

The sooner this organization takes shape,
the clearer will be our policies with refer-
ence to Germany. Already the need for
clarification is evident in the immediate
matter of the punishment of war criminals.
We cannot expect all the countries to see
alike in questions like this, nor will they
agree as to the degree to which they \\ ; "
want to have Germany undo some of the
damage it has done. But the way to avoid
misunderstanding is to prevent it from the
beginning. That means organizing now.

A start has already been made. An
agreement has been reached for periodic
meetings of the foreign ministers of the
Great Powers to deal with current prob-
lems. And the calling of the San Fran-
cisco conference would indicate that the
United Nations Organization may be set
up very quickly.

100

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Statesmen Discover Medical Care

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

ON THE EIGHTEENTH OF JANUARY THE ES-

tate of the late Edsel Ford four acres
sweeping down to the Detroit River two
and a half miles from the center of the
city was overrun by auto workers. They
were not trespassers. They owned it. Their
union had bought it for a health center.

In the mansion where the grandchildren
of Henry Ford once played, X-ray appara-
tus, laboratory benches, examining tables
and medical record files stood ready for
work. At the dedication of this Health
Institute the chief speaker was the Sur-
geon-General of the United States Public
Health Service. The family of Henry
Ford has not "moved from shirtsleeves to
shirtsleeves in three generations," but in
much less than that time its employes have
taken long steps from hired help towards
self-determination. The Health Institute
is part of that self-expression, based upon
the understanding that the people's health
may be achieved by the people themselves
by organized as well as individual action.

This diagnostic clinic has been recognized
as a community service. The Detroit War
Chest has given $40,000 for its educational
and psychiatric work which will reach
beyond the automobile workers them-
selves. The federal government has recog-
nized its significance through the Public
Health Service, three members of whose
staff are on the Institute's medical council.

Dr. Thomas Parran took the occasion
of the dedication to offer the most com-
prehensive national health program which
the U. S. Public Health Service has yet
presented. He stated objectives, not a
scheme of legislation or administration, but
even the brief quotation [see box on page
102] makes clear that in scope and aims
his program goes beyond the Wagner-
Murray-Dingell bill of 1943 and may cor-
respond more closely to what rumor sug-
gests the 1945 bill will contain.

At the time of the National Health Con-
ference in 1938, the program of the U. S.
Public Health Service covered hardly half
this ground. During the same period, the
American Public Health Association has
made similar progress.

Signs of the Times

Paralleling these advances of the profes-
sionals are recent significant utterances of
public officials and of candidates for elec-
tive office. President Roosevelt, in his list
of "basic freedoms" put before the nation
a year ago, included "adequate medical care
. . . and the right to achieve and enjoy
good health." Early in the 1944 campaign,
Wendell Willkie declared: "Complete medi-
cal care should be available to all. ... In
any program . . . the value of the prac-
ticing physician's relationship to his patient
must be recognized. Adequate provision
must be made for building hospital facili-
ties . . . [and] for research and medical

HEALTH TODAY &. TOMORROW

^-Second in the series by the chairman
of the committee on Research in Medical
Economics, and associate editor of Sur-
vey Graphic.

education." Thomas E. Dewey was even
more specific in advocating public action
to extend medical care and to forestall
"socialized medicine."

Henry A. Wallace picked up the Presi-
dent's "Economic Bill of Rights" and blue-
printed each of its eight planks in his
statement to the Senate Commerce Com-
mittee. He said of medical care:

"Your federal and state governments have
just as much responsibility for the health
of their people as they have for providing
them with education and police and fire
protection. . . . We must see that medical
attention is available to all the people. But
this health program must be achieved in
the American way. Every person should
have the right to go to the doctor and
hospital of their own choosing. The federal
and state governments should work hand
in hand in making health insurance an
integral part of our social security program
just as old age and unemployment benefits
are today. We need more hospitals and
doctors. We should make sure that such
facilities are available. . . . We must not be
content to provide medical attention for
people after they become sick. . . . The
government should appropriate needed
funds to finance . . . medical research in
private and public institutions."

The recent "Interim Report" of Senator
Claude Pepper's Subcommittee on Wartime
Health and Education presented many of
the nation's unmet medical needs forcibly:
"The quality of American medicine at its
best is very high. Unfortunately, American
medicine at its best reaches only a rela-
tively small part of the population." The
committee's program is very similar to Dr.
Parran's, except that national health in-
surance is balanced against voluntary plans,
the committee not passing judgment.

Conservative's Progress

"The Supreme Court follows the election
returns," said Mr. Dooley long ago. These
pronouncements of men who must watch
the trends of popular sentiment confirm
the opinion polls to the effect that a great
many Americans now want ways of getting
good medical care more readily and of pay-
ing for it more easily. It seems likely,
however, that a great many Americans
have not yet decided just what these new
ways of getting and paying for medical
care should be.

How rapidly will public opinion crystal-
lize on this point? The answer depends

on the amount of attention that is focused
on the subject during the next year or two,
amid the urgent issues of the war, the
peace, and postwar employment.

In California, a generation of experience
with voluntary health insurance has
brought the issue to a more advanced
front. Before the legislature had adjourned
for its regular February recess, three im-
portant medical bills had been introduced:
Governor Warren's bill for compulsory
health insurance; organized labor's bill
for compulsory health insurance; and the
California Medical Association's bill for
state-aided voluntary health insurance.

The medical conservatives have moved
forward too. Not long ago, Time remarked
[Dec. 11, '44, p. 70] that the AMA's pro-
gram of voluntary group health insurance,
"according to some critical observers
brought the organization up to twenty
years behind the times." Datelines are
invidious. It was truly an important event
in the history of medical care in this
country when about five years ago some
state medical societies began to sponsor even
limited health insurance plans. During the
last two years when statesmen have been
discovering medical care as a public issue,
even the munificently financed National
Physicians Committee which spearheaded
the drive to kill the 1943 Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill has found it necessary to say
more than just "No." Nowadays it says,
"No, but."

Commercial Cash Indemnity Plans

Look at the other box on page 102,
quoted from a letter sent last December
to most doctors in the United States. The
National Physicians Committee describes it-
self calmly as "a non-political, non-profit
organization for maintaining ethical and
scientific standards and extending medical
service to all the people." It has the of-
ficial endorsement of the AMA.

Observe how the committee shouts a
forcible "No" to compulsory health insur-
ance; says "Yes" quietly to five kinds of
voluntary health insurance; and plugs
mightily for the last-named kind in which
insurance companies just pay cash benefits
for hospitalization and surgery. The com-
mittee is now trying to enlist all general
practitioners to help persuade employers to
give insurance companies a good slice of a
billion-dollar business and thus assure part
of surgical and hospital fees while happily
leaving surgeons still free to charge pa-
tients what the traffic will bear.

Appreciate, if you please, where this
commercial cash indemnity program takes
us. Insurance companies offer these poli-
cies only to employed groups. Usually
there must be at least fifty in a group.
Employes in small units, the self-employed,
and the farmers are out. A goal of "fifty
million workers" is therefore bunk. De-

MARCH 1945

101

pendents of employes are not covered.
Twenty-five percent of the premium dol-
lar goes for administrative costs.

These policies provide neither patient nor
doctor with incentive for the early, prompt
treatment of sickness, nor for other forms
of prevention. "With the growth in the
powers of medicine to prevent and control
disease," says the Health Program Con-
ference Report [see "Health for the Na-
tion, Survey Graphic, December 1944],
"a program dealing mainly with serious
or 'catastrophic' illness is insufficient medi-
cally and uneconomical financially."

Fee-for-Service Payment

From the standpoint of their designers,
however, the commercial cash indemnity
plans have the great advantage of mov-
ing the least possible distance away from
the traditional mode of individual private
practice. The health insurance plans now
sponsored by medical societies go a little
further, since some of them assure service
instead of providing just cash indemnity,
and they are open to families as well as
to employes. The service, however, is only
for surgical and obstetrical cases in hos-
pitals, and the doctors must be paid fees
according to an established table. Senator
Pepper's subcommittee is quotable here:

"Evidence . . . leads the subcommittee to
conclude that the 'pay-as-you-go' or fee-
for-service system, which is now the pre-
dominant method of payment for medical
services, is not well suited to the needs
of most people or to the widest possible
distribution of high quality medical care.
It tends to keep people away from the doc-
tor until illness has reached a stage where
treatment is likely to be prolonged and
medical bills large. It deters patients from
seeking services which are sometimes es-
sential, such as specialist care, laboratory
and X-ray examinations, and hospitaliza-
tion. Individuals with low incomes, whose
need is greatest, are most likely to postpone

National Health Program of
General of the U. S.

"Steps which should be taken toward a
comprehensive national health program:

1. We should find the means to finance
the costs of medical care for every indi-
vidual through tax-supported programs,
health insurance, or a combination of both.

2. Tax funds should be made available
through grants-in-aid to the states for the
construction of hospitals and health centers.

3. To insure adequate numbers of health
and medical personnel, tax funds should
be made available for the expansion of
professional education.

4. We should provide for the application
of all the knowledge we have to prevent
disease through full time public health
departments in every part of the country
and the addition of such services as indus-
trial hygiene, public health nursing, chil-

Dr. Thomas Parran, Surgeon-
Public Health Service

dren's dentistry, mental hygiene, and nutri-
tion.

5. The nation should continue to support
and encourage both public and private
research in the medical sciences through
grants-in-aid to qualified institutions.

6. We should meet the present deficiencies
in the nation's sanitary facilities through
the construction of public water supplies,
sewerage systems, and the like.

We cannot attain these goals by talking
about them. Their attainment must be
planned for and organized. . . . Any nat-
ional health plan in a democracy must
consider all needs; draw upon all resources;
weigh limitations; accept risks. The vast
accomplishments of this nation in war have
taught us that we possess the physical re-
sources, the brains, and the manpower,
to attain the purposes of peace . . . through
the democratic process."

or forego diagnosis and treatment.'

These disadvantages are increased when
fee-for-service payment is carried over into
an insurance plan. When the doctor is
paid a fee for each, service whether two
or three dollars for an office visit or sev-
eral hundred dollars for a major operation
and when the fee doesn't come directly
from the patient but from an insurance
fund, then all economic barriers are re-
moved to over-use or misuse of services by
patients or doctors. Careful record-keeping
is necessary and, if abuse is to be prevented,
there must be an amount of professional
and financial supervision which is costly
and which is resented by the doctors
so much so in fact that plans controlled
by medical societies will not maintain it.
Furthermore, the fee schedules have usu-
ally been such that modest calculations
show if the doctors were kept busy full

National Health Program of the "National Physicians
Committee for the Extension of Medical Service"

"If state medicine is to be avoided; if
the 'political control' of the distribution of
medical care is to be prevented; if the
independence of the medical profession is
to be preserved, the needs of the people
must be met. . . .

"The task is of such size that meeting
the need will tax to maximum capacity all
agencies and institutions now providing or
that can be created to provide measures
of relief. These include:

a. Physician-sponsored prepayment med-
ical care programs;

b. Blue Cross Hospitalization Plans;

c. Independent physician groups furn-
ishing medical service;

d. Industrial or business concerns pro-
viding medical care for workers;

e. Employer-employe Group Insurance
Programs.

It is estimated that to meet the actual needs
total premium payments in excess of one
billion dollars annually will be entailed. . . .

"The report, 'Opportunity for Private
Enterprise' [a 48-page brochure on 'Em-
ployer-Employe Group Insurance Pro-
grams'), was not designed for physician
consumption. It is hoped expected -that
you will read it; that you will hand it to
discuss it with an employer who to-
morrow will be confronted with the
necessity of finding a solution to the prob-
lem of the demand on the part of workers
for a greater degree of security.

"Intelligent use of the report by 50,000
physicians will go far toward stimulating
business institutions to provide adequate
protection for fifty million workers. . . .
Your cooperation is needed and is solicited
to aid in this gigantic task. . . .

"For the twelve months ending October
31, 1944: Income (all sources) #263,-
644.40. Expenditures (current) #223,-
176.48. Estimated essential minimum ex-
penditures for continuing the work and
intensifying efforts during the next twelve
months will necessitate revenues of
#530,000."

time treating patients at these rates, their
incomes would be multiplied two- to four-
fold.

The People's Choice

In California, this method of payment
is now a legislative issue. Governor War-
ren came out for compulsory health in-
surance in the face of the State Medical
Society's flat condemnation, but he threw
a sop to the society by commending the
fee-for-service method of payment and his
bill requires it. Perhaps he does not ap-
preciate the implications of his position on
this point. Informed persons within the
state, including medical leaders in the Cal-
ifornia Physicians Service, know that the
abuses and the high cost of fee-for-service
payment would very likely make any state-
wide plan unworkable.

The other bill, backed by the AFL and
the CIO, prescribes the capitation method
of payment for general practitioners. Under
capitation, the general practitioner would
be paid an agreed amount per month or
year for each person who chooses him as
regular physician. Specialists would be paid
on a fee basis. California may thresh out
its answers soon, in public and private hear-
ings. Capitation payment is only one par-
tial answer group practice with salaried
physicians is another.

These events go to show that when states-
men take up health insurance they ought
to know something of the inside as well as
of the outside of the issue they are grasping.

And here the professionals must come in
again, but which professionals? "Profes-
sional" here covers both laymen and phys-
icians; and among physicians it includes
men and agencies within and without "or-
ganized medicine." Scan again the two
boxes, and ask:

In which box had the American public
better be?

And toward which program should the
medical profession itself head, consistent
with the ideals which it cherishes and
which the American people respect?

102

LETTERS AND LIFE

Education in a Complex World

HARRY HANSEN

THE DEBATE OVER EDUCATION HAS BROUGHT

forth intense partisan argument, especially
on the side of the academicians, but we
have yet to find a defender of the pro-
gressive methods who does not wish to
work with some of the tools the academi-
cians use.

On the side of the more reasonable com-
mentators is Jacques Barzun, associate pro-
fessor of history at Columbia University.
His interests also embrace social phe-
nomena and his spirited essays and articles
permit the public a glimpse of what agitates
the schoolmen. This is especially true of his
new book, "Teacher in America" (Little,
Brown; $3), a collection of papers on the
aims, ambitions and anxieties of American
teachers. It demonstrates how well equipped
Mr. Barzun is to bridge the gap between
the public and the teacher and thus carry
the arguments over methods direct from the
board room to the rest of us.

Scientific Knowledge Not Enough

The bitter debate over education has been
intensified by the world war. Teachers con-
sider themselves responsible for the training
of youth, and in wondering why a reason-
able world had to resort to killing they
have blamed themselves; a large group has
declared that the teaching of moral respon-
sibility has lapsed. It is reasonable to as-
sume that human beings were just as mean
and intractable, in war and in peace, when
the schools taught little or no science. But
the attitude of teachers toward their own
responsibility is not to be criticized on that
account.

Even Mr. Barzun feels that scientific
knowledge is not enough, that "the creation
of a large, powerful, and complacent class
of college-trained uneducated men at the
very heart of our industrial and political
system" is dangerous. He thinks that "one
of the conditions that made possible the
present folly in Germany was the split
among three groups: the technicians, the
citizens, and the irresponsible rabble." And
by describing the professional army caste as
unthinking technicians, so deeply concerned
with their own work that they will obey
any group that hires them, he shows how
the rabble and the technicians can over-
whelm the citizens. The need, then, is in-
formed citizens.

But in a democracy the technicians and
the citizens overlap and the only remedy
is to make the men of science as morally
responsible for what they do as anvone
else. Mr. Barzun sees the problem clearly
greater attention to the humanities, in spite
of our specialized technical training, and
some form of schooling that will develop
not merely competent workers and ever"-

(All boo\s

lives but leaders of men those who look
beyond the aims of their own profession to
the objectives of mankind.

The Place of the Humanities

Discussion of these problems can go on
for weeks, even if only in general terms,
and when we come to specific courses we
are in danger of being bogged down com-
pletely. Mr. Barzun gives us an outline of
the teacher's dilemma how can the hu-
manities be introduced in scientific curricula
and to what good purpose? He puts the
object of college teaching into a paragraph:

"What are the broad divisions of thought
and action in the world? There are three
and only three: we live in a world saturated
with science, in a world beset by political
and economic problems, in a world that
mirrors its life in literature, philosophy, re-
ligion, and the fine arts. In all reason, a
college can but follow this threefold pattern.
To this extent the problem of 'What shall
we teach?' is non-existent. This is what we
must teach."

Mr. Barzun's discussion of the place of
the "great books" in education is welcome,
for he is himself a bookman of fine dis-
crimination and judgment, familiar with
the old and the new. The great books have
become footballs in the academic debate;
they have been overemphasized as guides to
life and learning, and social scientists have
become bewildered by the contention that
they hold all we need to know.

Great books in education stem from the
original course called General Honors Read-
ings begun by John Erskine at Columbia in
1919 with a list of fifty-three great classics.
It drew on the help of eight instructors,
among whom were Mark Van Doren and
Mortimer Adler, today among the chief
spokesmen for the great books curriculum.
The Erskine course is now called Colloqui-
um on Great Books and is still taught most
successfully, with engineers and mathemati-
cians eager to join in the discussions; and,
as Mr. Barzun expresses it in his lighter
vein: "Future doctors seem to favor it
especially, thinking perhaps that bedside
books go with the bedside manner."

The use of the books at Chicago and St.
John's is a variation, "an overreach, an ex-
cessive stretching of Erskine's excellent
scheme," Mr. Barzun says. He adds: "It is
a return to the practice used when the
ancient classics served to introduce men to
their own culture. This is no longer possible
because modern culture has become special-
ized and each specialty, even when broadly
conceived, requires the direct study of its
current output." To put it concretely, St.
John's offers six historians Herodotus,
Thucydides, Plutarch, Tacitus, Vico, and
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be
103

Gibbon. Mr. Barzun knows their value but
can hardly agree that they will give the
student "a coherent idea of modern his-
tory."

When Mr. Barzun turns from teachers
to the public he is puzzled. He sees a
nation stuffing itself with facts and, while
our zeal for acquiring and storing facts
seems to him praiseworthy, he fears that it
is not used intelligently. The public envies
men who can cite a lot of facts, but suspects
men who deal in ideas. He makes a point
when he says that even our best-selling non-
fiction books are sometimes little more than
compilations of newspaper clippings sea-
soned with backstairs gossip and of that
it is easy to find evidence.

Our Passion for Facts

He says: "Summaries there may be, but
no principles. For publishing experience
does show that faced with an idea, no mat-
ter how simply expressed or illustrated, the
layman is shocked into resistance. . . .
Whereas the brain trust was a joke before
anyone knew the men who belonged to it,
the country has again and again given itself
over to factual pedantry with great enthusi-
asm and no sense of ridicule."

This leads Mr. Barzun to deal ironically
with "fact-finding." He criticizes "hundreds
of study groups and fact-finding commit
sions, public or private |that] give their
members in this way the pleasant illusion
of being practical scholars and social scien-
tists." Possibly many of these labors do little
more than place "another layer of paper
wadding between us and the horrors of
life." They are fair game for the teacher's
comment, yet their mutiplication is evidence
of a serious mood and an earnest intention.

No doubt there is dead timber in many
a commission, but the number of partici-
pants who do this hard work to amuse
themselves must be few. Perhaps they are
pseudo-scientific; not all of their members
are trained investigators. But as the public
is drawn in, interest in something more
than mere facts spreads incontestably.

My father's generation often spoke of the
well-informed man, meaning a man fam-
iliar with matters outside his professional
or business interests. This term has fallen
into disuse in company with that of the
self-made man. There are no longer anv
self-made men because no one is supposed
to make his way without the benefit of
schooling. The well-informed man died of
competition; when all men know every-
thing no man is wiser than another.

Thousands now know facts and thous-
ands of others are deluged by them when-
ever they turn a dial. It is true that some
of these relate to war activities, to the ton-
postpaid)

nage of ships sunk, shells fired and iu
names of localities that none but a cross-
word puzzle addict would ever dig out of
the gazetteer but for the march of armies.

A great many citizens are so filled with
facts that they are like those Oliver Wen-
dell Holmes, the Autocrat, was talking
about when Mr. Barzun overheard him:
"The men of facts wait their turn in grim
silence, with that slight tension about the
nostrils which the consciousness of carrying
a settler in the form of a fact or a revolver
gives the individual thus armed." That
must have been written nearly a century
ago, when the habit of absorbing facts was
by no means as widely spread as now. But
even then some Americans New Eng-
landers no doubt enjoyed bragging about
ship tonnage, distances between cities, and
population growth.

Shall we despise this interest in informa-
tion? It offers more promise of a response
than the empty mind. It is true that the
masses do not embrace books of ideas with
the fervor with which they welcome new
movies, yet publishers have been known to
make a fair profit out of such books. If
ideas are unwelcome, then why do so many
Americans cling to the fundamental prin-
ciples of this republic, many of them diffi-
cult to apply in modern life; why are so
many familiar with the theories of Karl
Marx?

Mr. Barzun, however, is not against in-
formation or its accumulation; he is inter-
ested in its proper use and in that, he
thinks, we fail. We do not think deeply
about the things we know as facts. We do
not go behind the stereotypes we accept.

I do not believe that there is as much
"mental cowardice" as Mr. Barzun suspects.
Thinking does require an effort, and most
of mankind would rather act than think
the war, after all, is an attempt to settle by
action what could not be settled by think-
ing. But the proportion of people stirred
into thinking by the world's ills must have
increased tremendously in the dark days
since 1939. We cannot expect the whole
public to become expert in this any more
than Mr. Barzun can expect all students to
graduate with the highest honors. Let us
agree with him that our need is leadership,
and there we come back to the problem
that he also recognizes in the schools.

OMNIPOTENT GOVERNMENT, by Lud-
wig von Mises. Yale University Press. #3.75.

"ECONOMIC FREEDOM AIMS AT THE ESTAB-
lishment and preservation of the system of
market economy based on private owner-
ship of the means of production and free
enterprise. It aims at free competition and
at the sovereignty of the consumer. . . .
True liberals are opposed to all endeavors
to institute government control for the
operation of an unhampered market econ-
omy."

Thus Professor von Mises in his preface.

"All the oratory of the advocates of gov-
ernment omnipotence cannot annul the
fact that there is but one system that makes
for durable peace: a free market economy.
Government control leads to economic na-
tionalism and thus results in conflict."

Thus Professor von Mises in his con-
clusion.

In all the pages between, the changes
are rung on this theme and on its ramifi-
cations in respect to ideas of nationalism,
the rise of Nazism, the role of Russia, and
the future of planning in Western civiliza-
tion. One gathers that the world is going
inexorably to the dogs.

The influences which are rampant are
all in the wrong direction namely toward
a more conscious social control of economic
forces. Something called a "perfect capital-
ism," albeit "hitherto never and nowhere
completely tried or achieved," is the only
assurance of durable peace.

The publisher says on the jacket of the
book: "It is probably the most momentous
and challenging criticism that has been
made of the current social and economic
doctrines that threaten democracy every-
where." Such a judgment seems to me
somewhat too fulsome, to put it mildly.

Essentially the book is the product of a
mind that turns with nostalgia to the for-
mulas of the past, that puts a low value
on the capacities of the human self, that
sees the complexities of the future with
foreboding and with panic at the challenge
presented to men's constructive imagination
by the. creative tasks ahead.

It is the book of a mind that says: Be-
cause these problems have not been solved
by any methods thus far brought forward,
it is better to approach their solutions in
terms of old approaches than even to admit
the possibility that men may be able to
create better for themselves. It is in this
sense that the study is at bottom the
product of a mind tainted with futilitar-
ianism under the guise of being economic-
ally realistic.

Editor of economic booths ORDWAY TEAD
Harper & Brothers

PROBLEMS OF PEACE

NEW PERSPECTIVES ON PEACE, edited
by George B. deHuszar. University of
Chicago Press. #2.50.

THE SINEWS OF PEACE, by Herbert Feis.
Harper. #2.50.

THESE TWO SMALL BUT IMPORTANT BOOKS,
which complement one another, reach be-
yond the traditional and narrow conception
of the problem of peace. Together they
show how many-sided must be the ap-
proach to the solution of this, the world's
most urgent and most difficult task.

"New Perspectives on Peace" is made up
of eleven chapters each chapter on a
specific problem by distinguished authori-
ties in various fields, with an introductory
summary by the editor entitled "The Prob-
lems in Perspective." The writers are
members of the faculty of the University
of Chicago where their analyses were
originally delivered as lectures. The geo-
graphical problem is discussed by Professor
Colby, the historical by Professor Craven,
the ethnological by Professor Redfield, the
economic by Professor Viner, the socio-
logical by Professor Ogburn, the legal by
Professor Wright, the educational by Pro-
fessor Havighurst, the psychological by

Professor Slight, the philosophic by Pro-
fessor McKeon, and the religious by Pro-
fessor Adams.

The general tone of the book, searchingly
unconventional, is illustrated by the follow-
ing sentences from the editor's introduction:
"The sterility of thinking about peace is
deplorable. One of the reasons why ade-
quate methods have not been devised is
that many of the people who concern them-
selves with peace lack the necessary back-
ground for realistic thinking on the subject.
. . . Even the most effective peace organiza-
tions do not have a membership sufficiently
varied in training to cover the problem of
peace completely. ... In the peace move-
ment as a whole, there appear very few
persons with a background in sociology,
psychology or anthropology. . . . The sec-
ond reason for the sterility of thinking
about peace is that it reflects the rudimen-
tary stage of the study of international
relations . . . which today resembles politi-
cal science half a century ago. ... It is
mostly juristic and historical. ... In order
to put international relations on a scientific
basis it is necessary to liberate it from
juristic influence. . . . We need a systematic
approach considering the problem of peace
in its entirety and integrating the various
aspects of the problem."

The book is a helpful introduction to
those who are willing to go beyond their
habitual thinking about peace and war.

MR. FEIS, WHO ALWAYS WRITES WITH CLAR-

ity and grace, has given in "The Sinews
of Peace" a layman's guide through the
maze of issues which are pressing for de-
cisions in the field of international economic
affairs. He enables readers to understand
better those involved transactions in which
our citizens and government carry on with
other peoples and governments financial,
investment, trade, and the exchange of
foodstuffs and other raw materials. His
brief chapters make clearer than I have se
stated elsewhere the Bretton Woods plar
for an International Monetary Fund and
the proposal for an International Inves
ment Bank.

Mr. Feis does not write of our economl
relations with the rest of the world as
propagandist for any particular view. Oi
of a lifetime of study and experience unt
a few months ago he had been for severa
years adviser on economic affairs in th
State Department he analyzes and ba
ances the pros and cons on controversia
questions. His own conclusions, though
clearly put, are never dogmatic; rather the
are invitations to the reader to make up
his own mind.

It would be helpful if our public men
and all of us interested in international
affairs pondered on Mr. Feis's basic con-
clusion:

"The war has demonstrated the great
strength, vitality, capability, and powers of
organization of the American people. Great-
ness in the annals of history and the ranks
of our fellow nations has come upon us.
We cannot repudiate it. Proudly or reluc-
tantly it will be our responsibility hereafter
to lead, to aid and strengthen the good
and industrious, admonish the trouble-

104

I some, cause the quarrelsome to desist, and
I build firm friendships with all who share
I our spirit and our hopes for a better world.
1 Our economic strength must be at the
I service of this leadership."
I New Yori( JAMES G. MCDONALD

| SEA LANGUAGE COMES ASHORE, by
Joanna Carver Colcord. Cornell Maritime
Press. #2.25.

I IF YOU HAVE THE LEAST INTEREST IN HOW

I your everyday language got the way it is,
|i you'll have a wonderful time with Miss
r Colcord's collection of sea-born words and

phrases, the salty origin of which has been
I all but lost in years of land usage. And
r you'll make some surprising discoveries.

You'll learn, for example, that when you
I speak of "the bitter end," meaning the last
f] extremity, you are using a phrase that

". . . relates to the end of the ship's cable

I attached to the windlass-bits. When the

< anchor had been let out to the bitter end

I there was nothing more to be done; if

worse came the cable would part and the

8 ship drive ashore."

Miss Colcord's list begins with "A 1,"
a common shore expression that comes
I from the rating formerly given to British
I naval vessels and to merchant vessels for
I insurance purposes. It ends with "Yeo-
heave-ho, the standard literary spelling of
those 'unnameable and unearthly howls'
which sailors emit when singing out on a
i rope." In between are those "borrowings
I from sea language" which have currency
I upon the land, sometimes with sense differ-
ing completely from their original meaning.
I But this is not a dictionary of sea terms.
i It is exactly what its title indicates, a reach-
ing back to the ancestry of words and
i phrases that enrich our language.

Miss Colcord, the daughter of five gen-
I erations of Maine seafarers, was a "natural"
i for such a book as this, for to her congenital
I interest in salt spray is added a gift for
I the use of words to express clear thought.
1 She is quick to deny any claim to being
I a philologist, but she knows words and the
I color and flavor that time and usage have
I given them.

The preparation of "Sea Language . . ."

was a sort of busman's holiday from Miss

I Colcord's professional writings which are a

must in every social work library. She did

it, she says, as a labor of love, "strictly for

9 fun." It is fun too for anyone with a
jj feeling for the color and romance of the

English language.
1 Osterville, Mass. GERTRUDE SPRINGER

BEVERIDGE PROPOSES

(Continued jrom page 94)

war, Britain will have no choice but to
adopt some restrictive policies of its own.

Sir William expresses a strong preference
for a wide system of multilateral trading
based on low tariffs, reasonable balance be-
tween imports and exports, along with do-
mestic programs for stimulating full em-
ployment. But if such a system of world
trade is not immediately practical, he sug-
gests that Britain enter into a regional

THE MILE Lyond BJln

AFTER our soldiers have covered that long mile to Berlin, and
then to Tokyo, we all of us shall need to press forward on
that important mile beyond that mile toward full employment, re-
construction, and a higher standard of living for all the people.
Here are some guideposts for that forward mile.

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needed in the years just ahead." Public Welfare.

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Technology and Livelihood

By Mary L. Fledderus and Mary van Kleeck. "This excellent book brings
together in one volume some of the most pertinent facts about our industrial
economy." Political Science Quarterly. $1.25

Your Community

By Joanna C. Colcord. "A guide for community study, a sound compre-
hensive framework on which to erect essential social data, and an invaluable
reference for day-to-day problems." Survey. $1.00

Institutions Serving Children

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From your bookseller, or from

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105

system of trade relations with such coun-
tries as are willing to encourage trade on
this basis.

A third, but much less satisfactory, pos-
sibility would be a system of bilateral agree-
ments with the countries that wanted to
trade with Britain. This plan to his mind
would result in much less trade and would
necessarily hold British living standards to
a relatively low level.

Beveridge's feeling of concern as to the
United States is, of course, well grounded.
His program for full employment stands
in direct contradiction to the postwar pro-
gram outlined for this country by the Sen-
ate postwar committee and the similar pro-
posals advanced by numerous business
groups in this country. Instead of expand-
ing "outlay," these proposals invariably call
for a sharp cut in government spending, a
balanced budget, debt reduction, and a re-
duction in the taxes on the well-to-do, so
as to encourage private enterprise. Sir Wil-
liam shows that these orthodox measures
have never provided even an approximation
of full employment in peacetime, and if
persisted in can only lead to profound so-
cial and economic dislocation involving, in
all likelihood, a loss of essential democratic
liberties.

"Better than the Dictators ..."

On the other hand, Sir William's own
full employment "policy" is based on un-
assailable economic principles. The theor-
etical groundwork for these principles was
laid in 1936 by J. M. Keynes in "The Gen-
eral Theory of Employment, Interest and
Money." This analysis is now accepted by
practically all competent economists. Bev-
eridge's own contribution is, however, fully
as important as that of Keynes; for he has
shown in detail how the Keynes principles
may be applied to solve our most perplex-
ing and costly economic problem. It is a
program which, though details will differ,
could be adapted to the United States with-
out fundamental changes. In fact, Bever-
idge's constant use of American illustrations
indicates that he was constantly thinking of
their possible application in this country.

In several ways, however, it would be
more difficult to carry out a full employ-
ment program in this country than in Eng-
land. Beveridge implies as much when
he says that Britain has a chance of show-
ing, sooner and more easily than any other
large nation, that democracy can order peace
as well as war better than the dictators do.
But although the difficulties are greater
here, the stakes are immeasurably higher.
Indeed, as Sir William sees it, the good of
the whole world, no less than our own well
being and that of Britain, depends very
largely on the policies adopted by the
United States.

"Depression," he declares, "is contagious
in proportion to the size and strength of
the national economic system from which
it comes. Today the strongest and most
productive national economy in the world
:that of the United States is also the least
stable. The adoption of a policy of full
employment by the United States would
be the most important economic advance
that could happen in the whole world and

to the benefit of the whole world. In solv-
ing, as they only and only in their own
way can solve, the 'baffling problems' of
their home economy, more than by the most
generous outpouring of gifts and loans, the
American people can confer immeasurable
benefits on all mankind."

The President's recent budget message
indicated that the Administration, at least,
is alive to our own situation. But con-
structive action will depend on informed
support from every forward-looking citi-
zen in the country. A wide reading of
this remarkable book should help im-
mensely in girding American public opin-
ion to act and that soon on the great
choices he sets before us. For on those
choices hangs much of our own future,
and the fortunes of everyday people every-
where.

ALADDIN'S LAMP

(Continued from page 92)

do is to distinguish 10,000. The guess-
work in matching colors is swept away. If
you want to catch a thief in the act of
cracking a safe the photoelectric cell will
do it. In fact, it will detect anything that
involves the reflection or the interception
of a beam of light.

It is not too romantic to imagine the
photoelectric cell imparting a new safety
to automobile driving. The cell has only
to follow a white line on the road. Take
your hands off the wheel and if the car
swerves ever so little from the line the cell
will start a correcting motor and bring
you back. Other cells along the road will
report the speed of passing cars to the
police or to the drivers themselves.

Electrons Displace Men

How many man-hours have been saved
in war production by the 2,000 different
types of electron tubes so far devised?
There are no statistics. It has been estimat-
ed that before the war, when the tubes
were few, the saving amounted to at least
1,750,000 man-hours annually a mere
guess. Since then, electron tubes have
multiplied, and hundreds of factories have
installed whole batteries of them. This
matter of man-hours saved is of consider-
-able importance because of the Administra-
tion's announced intention of making the
most of our huge industrial capacity after
the war and of thus solving a problem
of unemployment which must be faced.
Jobs for sixty million men and women
"57,000,000 is Henry Wallace's rockbottom
figure must be found. Yet here is this
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, this electron
tube which does the work of analytical
chemists and bookkeepers, which does
away with hands, eyes and ears, which, in
a factory, watches over anything that
moves. It is true that the electron tubes
must be made by men and women and
made by the million, true that we shall
need more radio and television sets than we
did, true that there will be a demand for
new skills. But it is also true that in some
industries there will be a displacement of
workers because of the electron tube's ex-

traordinary virtuosity and versatility.

Probably the history of every revolution-
ary invention will be repeated. What that
history is we have seen in the case of the
automobile. The carriage maker had to be-
come an automobile body maker. Wayside
filling stations and tourist camps sprang up.
Windshield wipers and headlights had to
be designed and produced. Around the
automobile industry cluster a hundred
satellite vocations. All this is the conse
quence of what Ravenshear, an English
economist of the last century, called "origi-
native invention." But originative invention
is inevitably followed by intensive inven-
tion, meaning the kind of invention that
reduces man-hours. Thus the telephone long
gave employment to thousands of switch-
board girls. When the dial system of call-
ing a telephone number was introduced (an
intensive invention), the girls disappeared
The electron tube is such an intensive in-
vention. To produce it, thousands of ne
jobs will be created. But introduce it in
the factory and there will be less need of
much highly paid skilled labor. No one can
predict the outcome, but it is certain that
the effect cannot be ignored in solving the
problem of keeping 60,000,000 employed.

Engineers are aware of the issue. They
are actually alarmed at the electron tube's
potentialities. When they are asked to de-
sign a new tube to perform a seemingly
impossible task, they shake their heads, say
"It can't be done" and then proceed to do
it. Electronics has become a synonym of
industrial magic. The steam-engine, auto-
matic machinery, trench-diggers, ore-un-
loaders, machines that cut, wrap, fold,
brought about technological changes with
which we have not yet learned to cope.
And now comes the electron tube which
totally eclipses any invention that leaped
from the brain of the inventor. It seems as
if Aladdin's wonderful lamp can be almost
too wonderful.

PATCHWORK TO PURPOSE

(Continued from page 98)

This lack of a unifying thesis in economic
matters explains much bickering on "the
home front." It sheds light on seemingly
contradictory public action, on over-lapping
in governmental agencies; and on the
blurred line between what we need for a
period of crisis and what we need for "all
time." Moreover, current discussion as to
"streamlining" Congress overlooks too often
that "reorganization" can be approached
fruitfully only through prior clarification.
An articulation of policies and goals would
open the way for improved functioning by
the Congress as a policy-making body and
for the most satisfactory division of labor
with the Chief Executive.

Thus the Full Employment Bill, as now
drawn, provides for the initial development
of the National Production and Employ-
ment Budget by the President and its sub-
mission to a Congressional Joint Committee
for subsequent review and action. In view I
of the scope of the undertaking and the I
prime desirability of evoking maximum ac-

106

cord in testing it out, thought might be
given to placing the initial development of
the budget in the hands of an American
Economic Committee, constituted by law
and containing representation from both
Cabinet and Congress, with a permanent
staff supplemented by a rotating staff drawn
from the departments concerned.

Such a plan would offer interesting pos-
sibilities for adjusting the principle of sep-
arating legislative, judicial, and executive
powers, as written into the Constitution,
to the increasing interplay and overlapping
of congressional and Presidential functions
in matters of high policy. Partial support
for this idea can be found in a recent rec-
ommendation by the "Committee on Con-
gress" of the American Political Science
Association that the Congress establish a
permanent and formal liaison with the
White House.

If an American Economic Committee of
this type were established, it might well in-
clude, also, members appointed by the
President to represent industry, agriculture,
labor, and consumers. The preparation of
a National Production and Employment
Budget necessarily involves what free enter-
prise is going to do no less than what the
government is going to do. Its very essence
is an appraisal of inter-action between the
two. Its very spirit is accord. It needs to be
initiated in an atmosphere of maximum
cooperation and "give and take." For this
reason, to bring non-governmental repre-
sentatives more explicitly into such a flex-
ible process seems more important than to
preserve rigid concepts as to the govern-
mental structure.

It can be argued that part of the rea-
son why pressure groups have been so un-
conscionably at one another's throats, why
their specialized objectives often seem so
far abstracted from the common good, is
that they so seldom sense that good as a
common goal, or have had any chance to
participate in a general drive to attain it.

The Challenge of 60 Million Jobs

More unity arising from more common
knowledge is the essence of the Full Em-
ployment Bill. The measure is founded up-
on the proposition that nothing is worse
than to contribute to the confusion of the
people at large or to make more difficult
their lines of communication when major
decisions in national policy are under way.

A National Production and Employment
Budget would set objectives each year based
on realities, in terms understandable to
everybody, and related to our common
undertakings as a nation. If it did no more
than that, it would bring into our public
affairs a clarity, a wholesomeness and a dig-
nity that would strengthen immeasurably
our free institutions in the years ahead.

But the Full Employment Bill is founded,
also, on another proposition that our
American way of life and livelihood, with
all its admitted imperfections, is a good one.
We are committed to it by our history and
our ideas and committed by the same
token to remedy our imperfections as we
go along. Such a course is consistent with
our essential practicality and inventiveness
as a people, with our emphasis on individ-

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Many people who should be writing become awe-struck by fabulous
stories about millionaire authors and, therefore, give little thought to
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that takes little time to write stories, articles on business, fads, books,
current events, sports, homemaking, local and club activities, etc. things
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A chance to test yourself

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CANADIANS

1
1

-IACJI

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jf\y^

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1
1
1
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information
Mr. }

without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, March.

Mrs \

Miss j

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(In answering advertisements f lease mention SUKVET GRAPHIC)

107

SEA LANGUAGE COMES ASHORE

By Joanna Carver Colcord
Contributing editor to Survey Graphic

A distinguished social worker and author,
Joanna Carver Colcord, makes a noteworthy
addition to the literary heritage of America.
Descendant of five generations of seafarers,
Miss Colcord has compiled over a thousand
nautical expressions which have been "washed
ashore," and has arranged them, with mean-
ings and origins, for easy reference. A truly
authoritative collection hailed by the critics.

"fascinating, remarkable" CARL VAN DOREN

"for everyone -who speaks American."
Lowell (Mass.) Sunday Telegram

"Any collector of Americana will relish the
alt air tang of these page*." Norwich
(Conn.) Bulletin

Just published

$2.25

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF KNOTS
AND FANCY ROPE WORK

By Raoul Graumont and John Hensel

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Ideal for individual or group reference.
3,524 different examples of practical and or-
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tie to the most elaborate design in splicing,
braiding, tatting or fringe work is clearly
pictured, thoroughly described, fully ex-
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ual enterprise and our adventuresome
democracy.

The human materials with which we
have to deal are mostly men of good will,
who know the dangers we all face unless
we devise more rational ways to get rid of
mass unemployment, and who know
equally well the benefits we can all look
for if we do. The task before us is to
gather up tools in our American kit which
have stood us in good stead in other great
tasks and emergencies, check them against
accomplishment, and improve and align
them systematically for use in meeting the
great test of the postwar era.

"WITHOUT A COUNTRY"

(Continued from page 88)

an American. This committee was formed
at the conference on political refugees held
at Evian (France) in July of 1938. It now
has a membership of thirty-six governments
Britain, Soviet Russia, and the U.S.A.
among them. It includes both countries of
immigration and of emigration. It has
recognized its function to care for the
needs of refugees and to do what it can to
better their legal status in transit. Its officers
have wide experience in this phase of its
duties; but it will require greatly expanded
resources and staff, and enhanced powers,
if it is to shoulder such a long-run task.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Relief
and Rehabilitation Administration has a
great part to play in giving relief to refu-
gees in the countries in which it operates.
The agreement creating UNRRA calls for
fair treatment without regard to race, re-
ligion, or political belief of those it finds
there. The limitation of its franchise is that
UNRRA can do only special work in enemy
countries and that it cannot help enemy citi-
zens other than those who have been per-
secuted for race or religion, or because of
their activities on behalf of the United
Nations. In Poland, for example, UNRRA
is permitted to succor persons from enemy
or ex-enemy countries and to repatriate
those who wish to return home. In Ger-
many and Italy, it is authorized to care for
and repatriate United Nations nationals,
stateless persons and those enemy nationals
who qualify as above. Western European
countries are reported to intend to carry on
their own relief activities without the aid
of UNRRA, and in them the IGC will be
the appropriate authority to urge the cause
of the refugees.

This looks like a promising structure of
governmental relief, but the international
agencies concerned have declared that they
by no means supplant the need for volun-
tary effort. The sums UNRRA has been

(In

granted will be far short of the need for
relief, and there are many special services
which the flexible private agencies can per-
form more deftly and quickly than public
international authorities. Especially is this
true in the care of refugees, a field in which
private agencies have specialized. Their ex-
perienced counsel and help is counted on
and they are now cooperating actively with
both IGC and UNRRA.
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
108

Driven and pushed about Europe as they
have been, many refugees have been sep-
arated from their families. This is true of
other "displaced persons" and often their
whereabouts are unknown to their relatives
and friends throughout the world. Plans are
on foot to install machinery to help them
make fresh contacts. Among the partici-
pating agencies are UNRRA, the Inter-
Governmental Committee, the International
Red Cross and here, in the United States,
a group of organizations actively concerned
with the problems of refugees.

There is a special committee on refugees,
also, set up by the American Council of
Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Relief.
Some fifty in number, the council was or-
ganized two years ago to coordinate their
own activities and cooperate with public
international bodies.

Here, in America, the President had set
up two such bodies. An Advisory Commit-
tee on Political Refugees, James G. McDon-
ald, chairman, has been helpful in assisting
fugitives in getting out of Europe., The
War Refugee Board is made up of four
members of the Cabinet (State, War,
Treasury, and the Attorney General). Un-
der John W. Pehle as executive director,
great energy and devotion were thrown into
tasks of rescue and relief among refugees
in Hitler-held territory.

Why Not Naturalization?

In each country in which they are found,
there is an effective alternative to passin
along unsettled refugees and stateless per-
sons. That is to accept them as citizens and
give them permanent status. Their num-
bers in a given country may not be great
and to accord them this privilege would at
once add to the forces for domestic revival
and lessen the difficulties in solving a wide-
spread and prickly problem.

The refugee entering Palestine, is in-
corporated into Palestinian society.

Here, in the United States, the refugee
who has come with quota visa for per-
manent residence is better off than he
would be in most other countries. Under
our law, he has the right to live here,
travel, and to work at most occupation
(certain professions excepted). He can b
deported only for causes set forth in th
statute. After the prescribed period, in most
cases five years, he can become a citizen if
the authorities are convinced that he is
loyal to the Constitution and of good re-
pute.

Refugees who enter the USA on tem-
porary visas do not have such security.
They are entitled to remain only during
the time fixed in their visas plus any ex-
tension granted by the authorities. The
privilege of working is not automatic but is
granted by a general or special order. And
the temporary visitor may not become a
citizen.

Naturalization is not a right in other
countries but is a matter of favor and, in
fact, is not frequently accorded. Save for
the few who do become naturalized, refu-
gees resident in European countries have
no rights to remain or to work except under
special legislation or regulation. Many refu-
gees from Russia and Turkey in Worl *

Full Employment
in a Free Society

By SIR WILLIAM
BEVERIDCE

The author of the famous
BEVERIDGE REPORT
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War I have lived for twenty years and more
in western Europe but are still stateless.
Many have children, citizens by virtue of
birth in the new country, who are soldiers
in its army. Others, without so strong a
claim for friendly acceptance, have never-
theless taken part for many years in the
social and economic life about them. It
would seem reasonable for their countries
of residence to grant them the opportunity
for citizenship now and thus, in this time
of revived hopes and plans, establish them
in a legally permanent home.

Refugees from Germany before and dur-
ing World War II are new claimants on the
consideration of countries with whom they
have thrown in their lot. They were the
first victims of the Hitler machine which
has pressed so hard on the life of all the
peoples of Europe. They have been through
the war and have contributed to the war
effort and should have the same privilege of
citizenship granted them.

Such a creative solution when the war
ends would be a boon for refugees living
in western Europe, in the United States,
or other overseas countries.

Many German and Austrian refugees,
who had come to France and other parts
of the continent before the war, were up-
rooted a second time by the Nazi blitz, and
they were shipped to Germany for forced
labor or to Polish concentration camps. It
may be hoped that western European gov-
ernments will permit those who have sur-
vived to return to their adopted homes in
which many of them lived and worked for
years. Their desirability could readily be
gauged by testimony from the community
which had harbored them.

Postwar Migration

World conditions will, of course, affect
the possibilities for settlement of refugees
in new countries where they can hope to
make a fresh start in life. They will be part
and not the largest part of the people
who will be seeking such opportunities
away from their homelands. If employ-
ment is good in their countries of destina-
tion, if there is a demand for workers in
industry or on the land, the tendency to
restrict immigration, so strong in the pre-
war years, may lessen. The problem then
will become not one of refusing entry but
of choosing which immigrants a country
wants. The principle of selective immigra-
tion can be applied.

In this field the Intergovernmental Com-
mittee is charged to facilitate the migra-
tion of refugees, to find opportunities for
them, and to establish them in a country
where they can make permanent homes.
This, again, is a task requiring forceful
energy and great tact, for success depends
on the good will and active support of
governments concerned.

In Europe, there will be a great demand
for workers to rebuild homes and industries
and to take part in agricultural production.
Aside from demanding German work bat-
talions, the Soviets want to get all citizens
home, including potential ones from the
lands united to the Union since World War
TI began. France will probably want to

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109

bring in laborers to help rebuild the country
and may need them to expand its industries.

Furthermore, the loss of population in
battle and bombardment, by illness and pri-
vation, has been heavy in all the countries
of the continent. There is less likelihood
of emigration from them by those who can-
not find work at home than by those who
want to go abroad to mend their fortunes
or to find better opportunities or a freer
life.

If the much discussed industrial develop-
ment materializes in the Western Hem-
isphere and the British Dominions, there
will be a wide call for hands, especially for
skilled workers and good industrial man-
agers. If among the refugees there prove
to be peasants or workmen from parts of
the Soviet Union, or their kind from the
Baltic countries, or Poles or Yugoslavs of
the same type, they will doubtless be drawn
into this migration.

But ' the chances will be different for
tradespeople and intellectuals. For a decade
past, meager foreign opportunities have
been open to such. The case of older people
is similar. They will not be welcomed by
countries in the market for immigrants who
can work in industry or on farms. There
are many groups with these handicaps
among the refugees. Some of them have
relatives or friends in foreign countries
who will be glad to care for them; others
can be provided for by private organizations
so that they will not become a burden on
the public welfare funds.

Doors should be kept open for such

fugitives from war and fascism. Countries
which have not been invaded by land or sea
or air, can and should share in helping to
make their postwar settlement easier, the
fate of sufferers from the devastation over
Europe less hard.

Perhaps the worst hit of all Europeans,
especially in the East, are the Jewish refu-
gees. Palestine should be enabled to offer
opportunity for them for those broken by
suffering and illness and for the old, as well
as for the workers with hand and brain
who can give so much to the development
of the expanding economic and cultural
life of the Jewish "Homeland."

Palestine can play a new role if it is
permitted to help give an adequate answer
to the problem of the Jewish refugee. It is
to be hoped that with improved economic
and political conditions in eastern Europe
there will be fewer refugees from there.
But if this betterment does not materialize,
Palestine will be important not only as a
haven for individuals seeking refuge but
as a help in restoring order and peace to
Europe.

The Internally Displaced

Wartime displacement is not limited to
those who cross national boundaries. There
has been a great churning inside the coun-
tries of Europe among people dislodged
from old localities. Their numbers, too, have
been estimated at ten million; but they do
not fall within the scope of this article. They
are of international concern, nevertheless,
because they constitute a great humanitari-

an problem and because the nations united
in fighting the Axis decided and declared
in the UNRRA Agreement that they would
aid one another in repairing the wounds of
war.

Those who are thus internally displaced
remain under the control and protection of
their own national government. It has the
responsibility for relieving their needs and
returning them to their homes or resettling
them elsewhere within its borders. But it
is open to any government to request help
from UNRRA in meeting these responsi-
bilities and the Director General may ap-
portion part of his supplies to that end.

The Nazi invasion of Russia and transfer
of industry to the East by the USSR
shifted vast populations across two conti-
nents. On a lesser scale but for similar
reasons, millions of people have been going
from place to place within the boundaries
of their own countries.

This is notably true in China. It is said
that 30,000,000 Chinese have fled to the
West from the thickly settled eastern prov-
inces. Many will settle there for keeps,
American fashion. Nonetheless, the cost of
providing for the return of others, for food
during the process, for restoring farms and
rebuilding wrecked communities will
mount into enormous figures. UNRRA can
do no more than help from its limited funds
and give the Chinese authorities the counsel
of its personnel to be considered in the
light of Chinese conditions.

A specific refugee problem is presented,
however, by some 20,000 fugitives from

COMMON SENSE IS PLANNED READING

In The March Issue

Bertram D. Wolfe

POLAND: THE UNANSWERED CHALLENGE

Aaron Levenstein

THE ARMY LIED ON MANPOWER

Owen Lattimore

FREEDOM BLOC IN ASIA

I. Raymond Walsh

BUDGET FOR AMERICA

Don Wharton

THE SOLDIER IS NO PROBLEM CHILD

Leila Sussmann

HOW LABOR FARES ON THE RADIO

A Special 10 Months Offer for $2.00

(regular price $2.50 per year)

My Name

Address Zone Stare

Send to Common Sense 10 East 49th St., N. Y, IT

A MAGAZINE, like a book or a bridge, must be planned.
Common Sense is a planned magazine. It is a piece of
editorial engineering, each monthly issue designed to give
the progressive-minded reader a rounded picture of the
political and social world.

(In answering advertisements please

110

Plus These Regular Features
MASS MEDIA

An Analysis of Radio Print and Film in their
manipulation of Public Opinion edited by
Milton D. Stewart

PEACE IN PROCESS

Coordinating the Current Events that Shape
the Postwar World

THE MONTH IN HISTORY

The Long View on the Month's Turning
Points

SOLDIER'S FORUM

Uncensored Opinion From Men in Uniform

LEFT OF CENTER

A Digest of Significant Thought
PLUS A Column by Stuart Chase Every Month

mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

Germany and eastern Europe, mostly Jew-
ish, who were caught in China by the war.
They had expected to go on to other coun-
tries; very few of them can establish them-
selves in China; and they will seek settle-
ment elsewhere.

Collective Concern

No canvass of the refugee situation can
give an adequate picture of the human
wretchedness and despair which forms its
background. Among the multitudes who
have suffered in this war, the refugee
stands out because, as we have seen, he
has no national home to which he can
go, no government whose duty it is to
concern itself with his fate. What be-
comes of him, then, is a matter for all
the nations and, as the adage has it,
what is the concern of all always runs
the risk of being the concern of none.

Plans with joint government backing
have been prepared. Earnest and vigor-
ous efforts have been put forth by those
charged with carrying them out. But up
to now, it cannot be said that the gov-
ernments of the United Nations have felt
strongly enough their duty to throw pro-
tection over the stateless and the refugee,
or that they as yet recognize that this
is a genuinely international question which
requires each government to do its part
at home to bring about the realization of
plans made in common.

A silver lining to this situation has
been the spirit and efficiency of volun-
tary organizations which have given free-
ly of effort and money to succor the refu-
gees. From the end of the last war to
the present, they have gathered funds, or-
ganized relief, urged public action.

Such work has been most effective when
those who espouse it have united in
agencies with experienced personnel and
definite programs. Among them can be
cited the American Friends Service Com-
mittee, the American Jewish Joint Dis-
tribution Committee, the American Red
Cross, committees of the Christian churches,
Hadassah, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid So-
ciety, the International Migration Service,
the Zionist Organization of America, and
war relief bodies. Their funds have often
been inadequate for the job to be done, but
many of them have had the permanence
which permits better use of resources
through long term planning. They have
shown prowess in breaking fresh ground
and they have demonstrated standards in
their treatment of the refugees that prove
the value of strong private agencies as
implements of our international society.

Nothing will so enhance the success of
their activity as an aroused public concern
for these victims of war and fascism who
have become men, women, and children
without a country.

On the other hand, without government
aid and government action, both in Europe
and overseas, the situation cannot be met.
And again that outcome hangs on an ar-
ticulate popular demand. American and
British leadership by citizens and gov-
ernments alike can set the pace in this
new epoch of transcendent need.

MAX
JORDAN

BEYOND
ALL FRONTS

As a newspaperman and radio representative, born and
educated in Europe, intimate of those who made the
news on the continent, Max Jordan was able to get above
and below, behind and beyond the events of the past
twenty years. His report of those occurrences is one of
the most significant, hopeful books of the war. $3.00

THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY

By Paul Hanly Furfey

A probing of the mystery of iniquity which looks beyond the obvious,
natural causes of sin, to its very source, that creature of many masks,
Satan himself, from whom stems all the ills, chaos, and calamities with
which society is today burdened. $2.00

CHRISTIANITY IN THE MARKET-PLACE

By Michael de la Bedoyere

A fundamental diagnosis of the reason why Christianity is apparently
failing in the present crisis and an eloquent plea for bringing Christianity
back into the home, the school, the parish, and the market-place. $2.00

At your bookstore.
THE BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANY

2203 Montgomery Bldg.

Milwaukee 1, Wis.

Don't you believe it when they gesture weakly and resignedly
declare: "But we can't do anything about it!"

We CAN Do Something About It!

Nobody but ourselves can be rightfully blamed if peace brings panic, and the war's end

only marks a new depression's beginning.
Words alone will accomplish nothing. Action must be taken. But what action? When

and how? These are questions we must answer first. Prepare yourself now to

answer them wisely. Let us all study them together.

ACTION for Human Welfare

provides the medium wherein we can all exchange views, express opinions, learn
from one another. Many are already doing this. A newcomer wrote us: "Courage
and truthfulness such as yours is like 'life-giving water in a thirsty land.' May the
multitudes drink thereof and be born again." It is the Liveliest Humanitarian
Monthly in America. $1 per year.

BIGGEST MAGAZINE BUY!

Six wonderful issues, containing the entire series, which ended in the February number,
on "The Obsolete Profit System," and sixty other inspiring articles.

Truly a wealth of reading; entertaining, informative, some of it startling, most of it
exclusive. Only 25c postpaid.

FREE! Above package, 6 issues, with one year's subscription. Enclose a dime for
two sample copies, mentioning SURVEY GRAPHIC.

ACTION PUBLISHERS, Drawer 348, Norwalk, Ohio

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WASTE PAPER

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
111

THE BOOKSHELF

CROUP WORK HORIZONS

1944 Yearbook and Proceedings of the A.A.S.C.W.
Edited by Saul Bernstein

Deals with major postwar responsibilities and opportuni-
ties that Kroup workers fare. Several articles define the
training and duties of leaders; others describe the youth
situation In Canada and Great Britain. Contributors in-
clude Harleish Trecher, Lucy Camer L. K. Hall, Dorothea
Sullivan. R. B. G. Davis, et al. 75c

347 Madison Ava. ASSOCIATION PRESS New York I7.N.Y.

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING

shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York, N. Y.

PRINTING

LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.

PROFESSIONAL SERVICES

ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature ar-
ticles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures.
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FT*EE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York.

HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.

MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service;
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS. 351
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296.

RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus^, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Valuable circular, lOc. Crehore, Box
2329-G, Washington 13. D. C.

"THE COURSE IN PROFESSIONAL WRITING
offered by the University of Oklahoma (under the
supervision of Prof. W. S. Campbell, 'Stanley
Vestal') sounds so efficient and intelligent,
whether taken in person or by correspondence,
that we are tempted to refer to it many appli-
cants who wish that kind of information and
training." The Saturday Review of Literature
(May 13. 1939 page 21). For particulars write
STANLEY VESTAL, University of Oklahoma,
Nnrman. Oklahoma.

PHOTOGRAPHIC SERVICE

PHOTOGRAPHS, SNAPSHOTS skillfully copied,
restored. Preserve precious family photographs
and valuable papers. Inexpensive. Estimate and
detailed information on request. Joseph Bolger,
282 Maples Avenue, Oradell, New Jersey.

LANGUAGES

PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE, 18
East 41st St., New York 17, N. Y.

29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian.
Spanish, Portuguese Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.

RUSSIAN, PORTUGUESE, Other Phonograph
Courses. New, Used. French new $15; Spanish.
52 lessons new $25. A. Alin, 475 Fifth Avenue.
New York 17.

FOREIGN LANGUAGE DICTIONARIES

DICTIONARIES AND GRAMMARS

For 1112 Languages. Catalan Free

Schaenhof's, Box 6. Harvard Square,

Cambridge. Massachusetts

COFFEE

WORKERS WANTED

SERVED FOR OVER 50 YEARS in New York's
finest restaurants. Send $1 for trial 2 Ibs. ol
this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 17, N. Y.

BOOKPLATES

CASE WORK SUPERVISOR trained and experi-
enced to work in private child placing agency in
Ohio. Salary $3000. 8119 Survey.

FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio

PROFESSIONALLY trained and experienced so-
cial worker for director of expanding agency pro-
viding foster home care for 150 children in key
southern city. State qualifications. 8116 Survey.

INDIAN PIPE

CASE WORKER In Midwest Metropolitan Jewish
Family Service Agency to specialize in work
with male delinquents including service in correc-
tional institutions. Opportunity for participation
in agency and community planning in this field.
8117 Survey.

CASE WORKERS 2 -professionally qualified who
would be interested in working in Midwestern
Jewish Family Agency. Excellent supervision,
salary and working conditions. 8118 Survey.

EMPLOYMENT AGENCY

WANTED: A couple for resident position Boys
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2080 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton 9, Pa.

COUNSELORS: Men and women for Pennsylvania
camp run by Settlement House. Boys camp in
July, girls camp in August. Counselors may
work in summer town program and live at Set-
tlement during other month. Opportunity for stu-
dents interested in social work. 8113 Survey.

SITUATIONS WANTED

IMMEDIATELY AVAILABLE for position ot
case work supervisor. Professional training se-
cured at University of Denver and University ol
Chicago. Experienced in Child and Family Wel-
fare in fourteen States. Now Director of Social
Service in a Washington State Institution. Ad-
dress Box 184, Buckley, Washington.

CAMP DIRECTOR: Experienced man or woman
to direct camp in Pennsylvania run by a Settle-
ment House. Important coordination of group
work principles effected through winter program.
Prefer trained group worker with administrative
ability. 8114 Survey.

YOUNG WOMAN desires group work with chil
dren in community center, settlement house or
other progressive agency. 8120 Survey.

CASE WORKER with training and experience for
position with child placing agency in mid-west to
be responsible for foster day care program and
general foster home finding. Salary $2,220. 8115

EX-SOCIAL WORKER, trained and experienced
in children's work and with a semester in insti-

work. Small well-integrated agency preferred.
8112 Survey.

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR for community center
in suburb of Detroit. Generously supported by all
civic units in area of 15,000 population. Physical
facilities represent $125,000 investment with wide
range of service. Permanent position with excep-
tional opportunities. A very minimum of family
case work involved. Salary to start $3,500 or
more, if qualified. 8110 Survey.

MATURE WOMAN, skilled in case work treat-
ment, background supervision and executive work
(psychiatric), seeks right job probably new ven-
ture with strong board. Perhaps specialized
case load and some supervision. With jobs plen-
tiful, will look to pleasing climate. East of
Mississippi preferred. 8102 Survey.

MATRON WANTED: Institutional experience in
a Home for aged Jewish men and women. Please
respond with details of past experience. Jewish
Home for the Aged, 325 South Boyle Avenue,
Los Angeles 33, Calif.

WOMAN, PH.D. Political Science and Economics,
experienced research worker is interested in po-
sition in college or private social agency. 8109
Survey.

CASEWORKERS, Family Agency under Protestant
auspices. Middle West. Small specialized case
load. Salary range $1700 to $2400. State quali-
fications. 8108 Survey.

CAMP SEASON, Jewish Woman, 12 years. House-
keeper, Dietitian, Assistant Superintendent Chil-
dren's Institutions, desires camp privileges for
daughter 10, son 8, for services plus reasonable
monetary remuneration. 8107 Survey.

CATHOLIC CHARITIES an integrated Family
and Child Care Case Work Agency in need of
a trainee and experienced case worker. Good
salary. Challenging opportunity. Apply Catholic
Charities, 418 North 25th Street, Omaha 2,
Nebraska.

EXPERIENCED MEDICAL SOCIAL WORKER

wishes position Jewish Institution. 8111 Survey.

WANTED: Position in welfare institution ot
agency by experienced woman executive with
Master's Degree in Personnel and Social Sciences.
Seventeen years experience with group work
agency in large city. 8103 Survey.

COUPLE, Dutchess County Boarding School,
woman supervise cottage 30 boys, no cooking,
cleaning, washing; man help with cottage and
supervise athletics. Good salary, furnished apart-
ment, meals, garage. 4 weeks' vacation. 8106
Survey.

DIRECTOR Children's Institution, Male, unmar-
ried, experienced. B.A. Degree. Post graduate
work. Boys' institution or co-educational. Free
to go anywhere. 8105 Survey.

TWO CASE WORKERS for child and family work
in rapidly expanding Lutheran agency in Eastern
city. Requirements : Master's Degree or one year
training plus experience. Salary range: $1800-
$2400. 8083 Survey.

MAN, 35, master's degree, 13 years' experience in
case work and administration seeks executive po-
sition juvenile court, institution or social agency.

Approximate salary $4000. 8101 Survey.

PAROLE OFFICER Male, New York State resi-
dents. Vacancies principally in New York City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 7*/$% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679,
Albany, New York.

WORKERS WANTED

WANTED: To work in the Pennsylvania Dutch
Country, Trained Child Placements Workers.
Agency small but developing. Five professional
staff positions now. Area interesting with its
steel mills, cement works, slate industry, farm
country, Bethlehem Bach Choir. Beauty of Dela-
ware and Lehigh rivers and valleys nearby. New
Hope, Poconos New York, Philadelphia close at
hand. Apply Northampton County Children's Aid
Society, 324 Drake Building, Easton, Pennsylvania.
Phone Easton 4263. Incorporated with Children's
Aid Society of Pennsylvania.

WE SERVE as a confidential clearing house
through which social workert, executives and
agencies everywhere can get in direct touch with
one another quickly and at surprisingly small
cost. A $3.00 registration fee to both employers
and applicants is our only charge. No com-
missions ! Just tell us what kind of situation you
are qualified for, location you would consider,
etc., or give us complete details about the posi-
tion you have open. After careful crossmatching,
employers descriptions are mailed to all potential
candidates. Those interested then apply direct
to employers on special forms we furnish. Don't
run the risk of overlooking the very position or
applicant you might be most interested in ! Take
advantage of the increased selection our low fees
and streamlined service creates. Central Registry
Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus 9, Ohio.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

112

PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

(Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania)

Professional Education For

Social Administration
Social Case Work
Social Group Work
Social Research

Fall Semester, 1945-46, opens October 2, 1945.
Applications received after February 1, 1945.

Summer Institute, June 11 June 23.
Announcement available February 15.

Address, Secretary for Admissions
2410 Pine Street
Philadelphia 3, Penna.

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.

Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work

Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research

Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston

SURVEY GRAPHIC READERS

are invited to make use of our Book Order Department to
order books of any and all publishers. They will be sent
postage free anywhere in the United States. Send list to

Book Order Department

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.

THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK

Columbia University

SUMMER INSTITUTES 1945

Twelve institutes, open to practicing social workers
will be offered in three, two-week periods:

July 9-20, July 23-August 3, August 6-17.

These institutes deal with very current problems in
all fields of social work, for example the experi-
ence of the New York City Veterans' Service Cen-
ter, and problems which face communities with the
return of their veterans. Two institutes empha-
size psychiatric work with children and problems
in the child welfare field.

For details and for a list of all the institutes write
the registrar of the School.

122 East 22nd Street
New York 10 N. Y.

SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK

A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.

Academic Year Opent June, 1943

The Accelerated Course provides two years of
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory,
three quarters of field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.

The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation.

SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Content! for December 1944

Medical Social Work in the Vocational Rehabilitation
Program Eleanor Cockerill

A Task for Social Work in Connection with Psychiatric
Rehabilitation Helen W'ttmer and Phebe Rich

Abstracts of Theses: Smith College School for Social Work,
1944

For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

Coming in the Months Ahead

Special numbers .aa the \ ; me

service of Survey Gra^ In May comes
the 10th of our CALLIM5 AMERICA
series which, since Munich, have reached
a combined distribution of half a million :

THE BRITISH AND OURSELVES
An adventure in common understand-
ing in what may be our last great chance
to shape the future of the world.

Written by Americans for Americans,
this May special will deal with a new
England tempered by war years with
the British system from London to Mont-
real, Sydney to Cape Town. It will trace
wartime team plays from joint boards to
the fighting fronts coming to grips with
issues and things in common. Here are
ten of the contributors:
John G. Winant, U. S. Ambassador to London
Herbert Agar, founder, Freedom House, editor,

Louisville Courier-Journal
Joseph Barnei, foreign editor, N. Y. Herald

Tribune

I 7/1 H. Bennett, chief, U. S. Soil Conserva-
' ; on Service, back from mission to South
Africa
Henry Steele Commager, Columbia; lecturer,

University of Cambridge
David Cushman Coyle, engineer, author of

"America,"

Vera Mickeies Dean, research director, For-
eign Policy Association.
Lewis S. Gannett, N. Y. Herald Tribune; back

from Western front.

John MacCormac, author of "America: Can-
ada's Problem"

William L. Batt, Combined Production and
Resources Board

SURVEY

GRAPHIC

ELVES

Home last fall from overseas service
(OWI-London), this project was out-
lined by Victor Weybright who, as our
managing editor, had handled earlier spe-
cials. He nas since gathered a symposium
by representative Britishers. Nine
Sir William Beveridge, Liberal M.P.
Sir Kenneth Clark, director, National Gallery
W. Manning Dacey, editor, The Banker
Captain Quentin Hogg, Tory Reform Group
Harold J. Laski, chairman, Labour Pari-J

Conference * S

Dowager Lady Reading, chmn., Womtr- S'

Voluntary Service ' ^ o

James J. Mallon, warden of Toynbee Ha X
Lord Vansittart, formerly British Fore?* 2,

Office .>

Prof. George Trevelyan, historian

ONE MONTH AFTER ANOTHER

THE FUTURE IS ALREADY HERE
a series of mind-stretching articles on
scientific discovery speeded up by the war
examining how synthetics, television,
penicillin, helicopters will bring swift
changes in our ways of life. Transpor-
tation in the Air Age by William F.
Ogburn (February), will be followed by
Electronics: the Mind of the Machine by
Waldemar Kaempffert; Drugs and
Plasma: the new Life Savers by lago
Galdston of the New York Academy of
Medicine; Public Health: new Levels
of Prevention and Care by C. E. A.
Winslow, Yale Medical School ; and
Television : and the new Communciations
by Robert W. King, Bell Laboratories.

BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE be-
ginning now, our readers will see the
tough process of liquidating the war and
fabricating security through the eyes of
James T. Shotwell, historian of World
War I; chairman, Commission to Study
the Organization of Peace.

HEALTH OF TOMORROW begin-
ning now, also, Survey Graphic readers
are alive to extension of medical care as a
prime focus of wartime and postwar con-
cern through the eyes of Michael M.

n of Committee on Re-

cal Economics.

URVEV

GRAPHIC

RIVERS AND POSTWAR RE-
VIVAL Watersheds are coigns of van-
*f". through "multiple purpose develop-
ment." Earlier instalment ! >rris L.
Cooke, consultant) dealc with TVA
and Muscle Shoals in wartime; with the
campaign of newspaper editors up and
down "The Big Muddy"; the dramatic
story of the Niger in French West Africa.
Later articles range from California's
Central Valley to the "Blue" Danube.

LETTERS AND LIFE Hurry Han-
sen, long distinguished in the goodly com-
pany of the master reviewers, writes of
their social implications.

CURRENT ARTICLES

"Peace and Bread" John Dewey, American
philosopher, underwrites Jane Addams' in-
sight that democracy rather than coercion
should be the basis of any international or-
ganization that will last.

Fugitives from Fascism by Joseph P. Cham-
berlain. An international authority deals not
with displaced Europeans, but with genuine
refugees, their challenge to all of us.

Rehabilitation of Psychiatric War Casualties
portrayed by Dr. Thomas A. Rennie, at-
tending psychiatrist, New York Hospital.

Mississippi's "Ordinary American" by Kath-
ryn Close, associate editor. A portrait of Earl
Finch, living symbol of Uncle Sam to Jap-
anese-Americans.

From Patch Work to Purpose by Leon H.
Keyserling, counsel for the Federal Housing
Agency. The significance of the "Full Em-
ployment Bill of 1945" proposing a national
production and employment budget.

"Full Employment in a Free Society" Max-
well S. Stewart, editor, Public Affairs Pamph-
lets, will bring home the meaning to us of
Sir William Beveridge's new thesis that citi-
zens can outdo dictators.

Posttaar Taxes and Full Employment by
Mabel Newcomer. A Vassar economist as-
sesses fiscal proposals now to the fore.

On the Calendar of Our Conscience by Justine
and Shad Polier. Promise and pitfalls we face
in legislation to outlaw discrimination by both
employers and unions.

Northern Cityvnth a Southern Exposure.
One community's adventure by Roger Wil-
liam Riis, roving editor, Reader's Digest.

Roads to Alcoholism by Dr. Abraham Myer-
son. A Harvard psychiatrist portrays wht
social pressures cause excessive drinking.

Joe Doakes, Patriot, by Miriam Allen deFord.
What men behind the bars at San Quentin
are putting into the war.

jqpRIL

SURVEV

3O CE NTS fl COPY

GRAPHIC

7 1945

LOGICAL

China's Pursuit of Light

By Li Hwa

Harry Honsen Books on Eastern Asia Bruno Lasker
From Yalta to San Francisco' James T. Shotwell

Public Health in the Postwar World C.-E. A. Winslow

Coercion vs. Democracy
The Realism of Jane Addams interpreted by John Dewey

"TELEVISION"

'We

re helped television get born and we've
helped it grow.

"We made television sending and receiv-
ing apparatus back in 1927 and worked it
by wire between Washington and New York
City and by radio between Whippany, New
Jersey, and New York.

"We can transmit television over wire
lines and by radio. We produced the coaxial
cable, which is particularly adapted to tele-
vision. We have some coaxial installed now

and are installing more. We are also setting
up a micro-wave radio-relay circuit.

"Whatever television needs from us for
transmission, we'll be prepared. It might be
a network of cables or radio beams or both.

"We explore the field in order to do our
part which is the transmission of television
from place to place, just as we furnish trans-
mission for the radio networks now.

"We're going to keep on studying all
methods and use the best."

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

Listen to "THE TELEPHONE HOUR"
every Monday evening over NBC

Among Ourselves

WHEN ON MARCH 12, Gov. THOMAS E. DEWEY
signed the Ives-Quinn bill at Albany, New
York became the first state to define the right
to employment free trom racial or religious
discrimination as a "civil right." The new legis-
lation has been widely commended as a sig-
nificant victory in the fight for democracy
at home. Anti-discrimination legislation is now
pending in seven other states Ohio, Cali-
fornia, Illinois, Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
Massachusetts, and Connecticut. New York's
action is also reported to have strengthened
the hands of congressional supporters of fed-
eral legislation to set up a permanent Fair
Employment Practice Commission.

Meanwhile at Albany a companion bill,
needed for successful enforcement of the Ives-
Quinn measure, has been adopted and signed.
This proposal, which was included in the
recommendations of the Temporary Commis-
sion Against Discrimination, gives the state
attorney general power to assist and, if neces-
sary, to supersede local prosecutors in enforc-
ing all state laws against racial or religious
discrimination. (See "On the Calendar of Our
Consciences" by Justine and Shad Polier, Feb-
ruary Survey Graphic.)

"As:A ON THE MOVE," BY BRUNO LASKER, ONE
time managing editor of Survey Graphic, is
the March selection of the Scientific Book
Club. Mr. Lasker is now research secretary of
the American Council of the Institute of Pa-
cific Relations. "Asia on the Move" is reviewed
on page 135 of this issue.

Election Returns

JUST TOO LATE TO BE REPORTED LAST MONTH

came the results of the nationwide election to
select a collective bargaining agent for Western
Union employes under the National Labor
Relations Act. Some of the issues at stake were
defined and discussed in Survey Graphic for
January ("Labor Problem With a Future" by
Diana Lewars). In the voting, the American
Federation of Labor won over the CIO
in virtually every area except New York City.
The three AFL unions, the Commercial Tele-
graphers' Union, International Brotherhood of
Electrical Workers, and the Federal Labor
Union, had previously made a jurisdictional
agreement, and were designated as the collec-
tive bargaining agents on that basis. The elec-
tion was the outgrowth of the merger of
Western Union and Postal Telegraph, ordered
by the Federal Communications Commission.
Some 60,000 workers were involved.

In March Survey Midmonthly
Babies on the Market by Maud Morloc\
Figures, Fantasies, and Facts

by Elbert L. Hooker

Training for Practice by John A. Reimers
Birth of a Council by Nell Whaley

A Welfare Staff Plays 'Truth"

by G. J. Klupar
Instead of Jail by William J. Ellis

Coming in April
What Is UNRRA Doing?

by Fred K. Hoehler

Vol. XXXIV

CONTENTS

No. 4

Survey Graphic for April 1945

Cover: Pursuit of Light by Li Htva. From "China in Elac\ and White"

John Dewey: Photographic Study by Joseph Breitenbach 116

Peace and Bread: An appreciation of Jane Addams insight JOHN DEWEY 117

Public Health in the Postwar World C.-E. A. WINSLOW 1 19

From Yalta to the Golden Gate JAMES T. SHOTWELL 123

Farmers Must Go Fishing MICHAEL M. DAVIS 125

They Can Be Made Over ELSIE McCoRMicK 127

China in Wartime: Woodcuts 130

Letters and Life: Special Section featuring bool(s on Eastern Asia 131

The West and the Far East HARRY HANSEN 131

China from the Bottom Up BRUNO LASKER 132

Reviews by: JOE j. MICKLE KINGSLEY DAVIS RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.

M. L. WILSON * WILLIAM A. NEILSON * HAROLD W. DODDS 1ST LT. RICHARD
PATRICK KELLOGG

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.

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LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML,
EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY
TEAD.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL. HELEN CHAMBERLAIN.
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HAXKY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editon: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KORTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
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manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 20c a
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
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Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.

BY V-MAIL FROM SHAEF COME HEARTWARMING
words written to our Book Review editor by
Major Irving Dilliard, in his civilian days an
editorial writer for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
and an occasional contributor of articles
and book reviews to Survey Graphic: "My
thanks for the two books for review. They
have just come and you haven't any idea how
good it is to open a package of American
books over here in snowbound France and
to speculate a bit on them and to turn through
the pages. . . . Rufus Terral recently sent me
a copy of Survey Graphic with his Missouri
Valley article. ["Big Magic for the Big Muddy"
in the September number.] It was a good job
and so was the whole issue. How do you
maintain such a high level over the years?"

Human Test Tubes

How WAR'S NECESSITIES SPEED SCIENTIFIC RE-
search in the control of epidemics and the
furtherance of public health is told on page
119 by Dr. C.-E. A. Winslow of the Yale
Medical School. It is a swiftly moving story,
the chapters of which often are front page

news. Thus as Dr. Winslow's article went to
the printer, The New Yor% Times carried a
stirring account of how nearly 800 prisoners
in three of the country's leading penal insti-
tutions have since March 1944 been volunteer-
ing as "living test tubes."

With the certainty of disease and discom-
fort, the risk of permanent impairment, and
even death, the prisoners have permitted them-
selves to be infected, then given experimental
doses of little understood drugs. The drugs
are being developed by American chemists,
enlisted in the fight against the worldwide
scourge of malaria. As Dr. Winslow points
out, quinine and atabrine are effective in
suppressing the symptoms of the disease; the
quest is for a drug capable of actually curing
or preventing malaria. The nature of the
new drug or drugs is still a closely guarded
secret of the division of medical sciences of
the National Research Council. But as the
Times writer points out, "the stage of large
scale human testing is regarded in itself as
indicating diat the long sought goal is close
to realization."

JOHN DEWEY

Photographic Study by Joseph Breitenbach

S U RVEV

PHIC

Peace and Bread

The realism of JANE ADDAMS interpreted by
JOHN DEWEY

American philosopher and long time friend and associate at Hull House,
a great contemporary of its founder hails a re-edition of her book of
a quarter century ago.* Writing on international organization for the
first time in World War II, he subscribes to her living conception of

Democracy vs. Coercion

THE REPUBLICATION OF "Peace and Bread"
is peculiarly timely. Jane Addams' book is
a record, searching and vivid, of human
aspects of the First World War. It gives
a picture of the development of American
sentiment from 1914 to 1922, the year of
its first publication. It is a forceful re-
minder of things that would be unfor-
gettable, did we not live on the surface
of the current of the day's events.

Her book takes us through the earliest
period when that war seemed remote and
unreal, and the American public reacted
with incredulity and exasperation; through
the phase of gradual hardening into sullen
acceptance of war as a fact; to the time
when, after a delay of two and a half
years, we responded to the declaration of
war with enthusiastic participation in
which the earlier all but universal pacifism
was treated as cowardly retreat or as
actively treasonable; and then through the
postwar years of disillusionment and reac-
tion.

These facts the older ones among us have
largely forgotten and the younger ones
never knew. The picture the book gives
would be of great present value if it merely
communicated the warning and gave the
instruction provided by traits common to
the First World War and to the present
war which now afflicts the world on an
even greater scale.

But the warning and the instruction are
increased rather than diminished, when we
include in the reckoning certain matters
which make the American attitude and
response during the present war very dif-
ferent from that of thirty years ago, and
. that of the eight or ten years immediately
following. A brief statement of some of
these differences will, I think, disclose the
nature of the increased timeliness.

Conditions at home as well as abroad
produced a reaction to the outbreak of the
European war in 1939 very different from
that which greeted the events of 1914. Even
only eight years after that date Miss
Addams could write,

"It is impossible now to reproduce that
basic sense of desolation, of suicide, of
anachronism, which the first news of war
brought to thousands of men and women
who had come to consider war as a throw-
back in the scientific sense."

And she could also write, "It is very
difficult after five years of war to recall
the attitude of most normal people during
those first years" years when the reaction
against war "was almost instantaneous
throughout the country."

Characteristics of the Change

What was difficult then is practically
impossible now. Instead, we have an ac-
centuation of that later development when,
as Miss Addams wrote in 1922, "We have
perforce become accustomed to a world of
widespread war with its inevitable conse-
quences of divisions and animosities."

It is characteristic of the change that,
while some thirty years ago the idea of a
war to end wars could be taken seriously,
we now indulge only in the modest hope
of being able to establish a peace that
will last a generation or two. Even more
significant is the change in the attitude of

*From an anniversary edit inn of "Peace and
Bread in Time of War" by Jane Addams; with a
new introductory essay by John Dewey on "Demo-
cratic Versus Coercive International Organization:
the Realism of Jane Addams."

The anniversary is tlie thirtieth of the Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom, which
MUs Addams helped to found in April 1915, and
did so much to make significant in the succeeding
twenty years as international president.

To be published this month by King's Crown Press
a division of Columbia University Press. Price $2.

those who have opposed our taking part in
the two wars.

In the case of the first war, it was the
sense of the stupidity and immorality of
war as war that animated the opposition.

In the case of the present war, vocal
opposition came most conspicuously from
the nationalistic isolationism that wanted
to keep us out of the devastation of war,
while those who favored participation for
the most part took the ground of moral
obligation.

There is, I believe, nothing paradoxical
in saying that such differences as these,
great as they are, increase, instead of lessen,
the warning and instruction, the timeliness,
of the book Miss Addams wrote almost a
quarter of a century ago.

The warning is against adoption and use
of methods which are so traditional that we
are only too likely to adopt them methods
which are called "Terms of Peace," but
which in fact are but terms of a precarious
interim between wars.

The instruction concerns the need for
adoption of methods which break with
political tradition, which courageously ad-
venture in lines that are new in diplomacy
and in the political relations of govern-
ments, and which are consonant with the
vast social changes going on everywhere
else.

The term "pacifist" has unfortunately
assumed a more restricted meaning during
recent years. It used to apply to all per-
sons who hoped and worked for a world
free from the curse of war. It has now
come to stand almost exclusively for those
who are opposed to war under any and all
conditions.

On the other hand, the significance of
the phrase "Peace Movement" has deep-
ened. It used to stand for something

117

which upon the whole was negative, for an
attitude that made it easy to identify paci-
fism with passivism. A large measure of
credit for producing this latter change must
go to Jane Addams.

Dynamics of Peace

In her book "The Newer Ideals of
Peace," published some years before the out-
break of World War I, she set forth aims
and methods that are so intimately con-
nected with "Peace and Bread" that the
two books form a whole. The aims and
methods set forth in both are of a kind
that more than justify her in referring to
them as "vital and dynamic."

Their nature may be gathered from the
vigor with which she repudiated accusa-
tions that were freely and ungenerously
brought against her and her fellow-workers.
Speaking of the state of affairs before the
First World War, she wrote,

"The world was bent on change, for it
knew that the real denial and surrender of
life is not physical death but acquiescence
in hampered conditions and unsolved prob-
lems. . . .

"We pacifists, so far from passively
wishing nothing to be done, contended on
the contrary that this world crisis should
be utilized for the creation of an inter-
national government able to make the neces-
sary political and economic changes which
were due; ... it was unspeakably stupid
that the nations should fail to create an
international government through which
each one, without danger to itself, might
recognize and even encourage the impulses
toward growth in other nations."

And again she wrote,

"We were constantly accused of wishing
to isolate the United States and to keep our
country out of world politics. We were
of course urging a policy exactly the reverse,
that this country should lead the nations
of the world into a wider life of coordi-
nated political activity."

Miss Addams repeatedly called attention
to the fact that all social movements outside
of traditional diplomacy and "international
law" had been drawing the peoples of
different countries together in ever closer
bonds, while war, under modern condi-
tions, was affecting civilian populations as
it had never done before.

Both of these factors have immensely in-
creased since she wrote. The futility of
dependence upon old methods, which is
referred to in the passage just quoted, has
correspondingly increased. Many persons,
among whom the present writer enrolls
himself, who are not pacifists in the abso-
lute sense in which Miss Addams was one,
believe that she has clearly indicated the
directions which all peace efforts must take
if they are not to be doomed in advance
to futility.

Miss Addams remarks in "Peace and
Bread" that "Social advance depends as
much upon the process through which it
is secured as upon the result itself." When
one considers the intimately human quality
of her writings, it sounds pedantic to say
that this sentence conveys a philosophy, one
which underlies what she has to say about
war and the conditions of enduring peace.

But the human quality of her position and
proposals in this case is a philosophy that
gives the key to understanding her.

Peace A Democratic Process

Her dynamic and vital contribution to
the Peace Movement is her insistence upon
the necessity of international organization.
Today the idea has become commonplace.
The Wilsonian League of Nations at least
accomplished that much. We are assured
from all quarters that the Second World
War is being fought in order to achieve
an organization of nations that will main-
tain peace. But when we ask about the
process that is depended upon, we find the
word "organization" covers very different
things.

The process that looms largest in current
discussions is "political" action, by which
we usually mean governmental and legal
action, together with coercive economic
measures. Miss Addams does employ the
word "political." But the context invariably
shows that she uses it in a wide human
sense. And while this usage of hers confers
upon the word a moral, and in so far an
idealistic, significance, her attitude is in fact
much more realistic than is the attitude that
puts its trust in "organization" of the tra-
ditional political type.

For one can say, with as much justice
as is consonant with brevity, that to trust
to traditional political "organization" to
create peaceful relations between nations
involves reliance upon just that exaggerated
nationalistic and power politics that has
brought the world to its present pass.

In contrast, the process of organization
upon which Miss Addams would have us
depend is one which cuts across national-
istic lines. Moreover, instead of setting up
a super-state, it also cuts under those lines.
Its nature is indicated in a passage which
follows the one already quoted, in which
she expressed the desire that the United
States take the lead in guiding the world
"into a wider life of coordinated political
activity."

What fits the United States, Miss
Addams holds, for assuming this leadership
is precisely the fact that democratic develop-
ment in this country has in fact increasingly
cut under and cut across barriers of race
and class. In nothing is Miss Addams'
book more timely than in its sense of the
positive values contributed by our immi-
grant populations. The pattern of Amer-
ican life, composed of multiple and diversi-
fied peoples, hostile in the countries from
which they came but living in reasonable
amity here, can and should be used to pro-
vide the pattern of international organiza-
tion.

One of the ironies of the present situation
is that a war caused in large measure by
deliberate Nazi provocation of racial and
class animosity has had the effect in this
country of stimulating the growth of racial
fear and dislike, instead of leading to intel-
ligent repudiation of Nazi doctrines of hate.

The heart of the democratic movement,
as Miss Addams saw and felt it, is "to
replace coercion by the full consent of the
governed, to educate and strengthen the
free will of the people through the use of

democratic institutions" in which "the cos-
mopolitan inhabitants of this great nation
might at last become united in a vast
common endeavor for social ends." Since
the United States had demonstrated on a
fairly large scale the practicability of this
method, Miss Addams put her faith in
extension of the democratic process to the
still wider world of peoples.

Old Welding and New

Its exact opposite she found in the use of
"opposition to a common enemy, which is
an old method of welding peoples to-
gether," a method "better fitted to military
than to social use, adapted to a government
resulting from coercion rather than one
founded by free men."

There are today many persons, not paci-
fists in the present technical sense, who will
believe that Miss Addams' book is timely
because it points directly to the source of
the failure of the hopes so ardently enter-
tained a generation ago. Men then thought
they could attain peace through an inter-
national organization of the traditional
political kind, which relies more upon coer-
cive force than upon constructive meeting
of human needs.

When I try to formulate what Miss
Addams wrote informally yet clearly, I
come out with a sense of the difference
between two methods and attitudes:

On one hand, we can trust to an inter-
national political organization of an over-
all type to create the organs it requires.

On the other hand, we can rely upon
organs that have been formed to take care
of human needs (including the need for
change) to develop in the course of their
own use an organization which can be
depended upon, because it has become in-
grained in practice.

If history has proved anything, it is, I
believe, that only the latter kind of organ-
ization is so "vital and dynamic" as to
endure, while the former kind is likely
to yield a mechanical structure of forces
so uncertainly "balanced" as to be sure to
collapse when old stresses and strains recur
in new shapes.

It has become customary to give the
name "realistic" to the kind of organiza-
tion that is based upon opposition to an
enemy and that relies upon armed force to
maintain itself. In contrast, the road indi-
cated by Miss Addams is, I submit, infi-
nitely more "realistic."

There are chapters in "Peace and Bread,"
notably the fourth and the tenth, which
supply material that makes concrete and
definite the difference between processes or
organizations of the traditional political-
legal type, with their emphasis upon force
already war in posse and the human
and socially humane processes to which
Miss Addams appealed for help.

Her Faith and Its Pole

The formation of UNRRA, even while
this war is being waged, is, as far as it
goes, a recognition of the "Food Chal-
lenge" for world organization. The energy
with which we use and extend this kind
of process as the working model for other
(Continued on page 138)

118

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Signal Corp*
In Pacific jungles today, in the American homeland tomorrow, we have a decisive new weapon, DDT, for the fight against malaria

Public Health in the Postwar World

With sanitary isolationism ended forever by the airplane science and technol-
ogy now put within man's reach new levels of cooperation and global health.

WORLD WAR II HAS CONFRONTED, us WITH
public health problems of major impor-
tance problems which as a nation we have
never been forced to meet before.

In 1898 we had only to deal with the
menace of flies and the improper disposal
of excreta in Florida and Cuba and we did
not pass even this simple test satisfactorily,
since one out of five of our soldiers con-
tracted typhoid fever.

In 1918, the world pandemic of influ-
enza struck military and civilian popula-
tions alike; and public health science had
no effective answer to that problem.

In the present conflict we face infinitely
greater difficulties in protecting the health
of our armies. We have been operating in
Central Africa and the South Pacific the
most fever-ridden jungles of the earth. We
have had to face malaria at its worst, amebic
and bacillary dysentery, dengue fever and
scrub typhus, the newly highlighted infec-
tious jaundice, and many another disease
which most American scientists have
known only from their textbooks.

C.-E. A. WINSLOW

From this ordeal, the army and the navy
have emerged with a success which forms a
truly glorious chapter in the history of
public health. The deathrate from disease
in our army had reached an all-time low
of 3.1 per 1,000 in 1939 and fell still fur-
ther in the next three years.

By the Anna M. R. Lauder Professor
of Public Health in the Yale Medical
School, and director of the John B.
Pierce Laboratory of Hygiene. An out-
standing American authority in the pub-
lic health field, Dr. Winslow has dealt
with international health problems as
general medical director of the League
of Red Cross Societies, expert assessor
of the Health Committee of the League
of Nations, member of the board of
scientific directors of the International
Health Division of the Rockefeller
Foundation.

This article is the third in our series,
"The Future is Already Here."

In spite of and because of this bril-
liant record of military medicine, the ex-
perience of the armed forces has real signifi-
cance from the standpoint of the health of
our civilian population in the postwar
period. In many of the Pacific Islands, our
troops have been effectively protected
against the development of malaria only
by continuous treatment with quinine or
atabrine. Many of them will, however, have
received infection and when the suppres-
sive drug treatment ceases they will come
down with the disease. Statistics already
show a five-fold increase in malaria re-
ported from our northern states during the
winter months. It is probable that tens,
perhaps hundreds, of thousands of such
relapses will occur when all our troops
return. They will serve as sources of epi-
demics wherever our own malaria-bearing
mosquitoes are not effectively controlled.

Conquest of Insect Enemies

At this point, however, some of the most
dramatic new advances of public health

APRIL 1945

119

Corps

Dusting clothing with DDT in Naples last year. Deadly typhus was "licked in a week"

I". S. Public Health Service
PHS doctors examine incoming air travelers at Miami for symptoms of tropical disease

science have come to our aid. The Pre-
ventive Medicine Service of the Office of
the Surgeon-General of the Army (under
the direction of Brigadier-General J. S.
Simmons) was, even before Pearl Harbor,
making an intensive study of materials
which would destroy insect pests and of
others which would serve as repellents to
keep such pests away from the soldier.
Early in 1933, when the situation was ren-
dered critical by the cutting off of sources
of insecticidal substances from the Dutch
East Indies and the failure of crops yielding
similar substances in East Africa, a mate-
rial now known as "DDT" was sent to the
government laboratories for test. This mir-
acle substance, it was found, kills flies,
mosquitoes, lice, fleas, bedbugs. It can be
used in the form of a powder dusted into
the clothing for the destruction of lice;

or the clothing itself may be impregnated
with the substance. It can be dusted onto
water from an airplane to kill larval
mosquitoes; or sprayed in liquid solution
into the air to destroy adult mosquitoes. It
can be painted on to the wall of a house
or stable and will kill any insect which
lights upon it. It may persist on clothing
or on a wall in toxic strength for months.

In the past, deadly epidemics of typhus
fever have always followed in the wake of
armies. Typhus decimated the troops of
Napoleon in the retreat from Moscow.
Typhus caused millions of deaths in the
Soviet Union after 1918. But when it broke
out in Naples a year ago, DDT licked it in
a week. General Simmons has said that
this substance "is the war's greatest con-
tribution to the future health of the world."

Long before the beginning of recorded

history, there began a world war between
the human race and its insect enemies. In
this age-long conflict it appears science has
at last given our side a weapon which
ensures decisive victory.

It will be our responsibility after the
war to see that these new discoveries are
applied for the protection of the civilian
population. Particularly in the case of ma-
laria, will this be essential. It is out of the
question to quarantine all the malaria car-
riers returning from the Far East. Our only
effective safeguard is to render our home-
land non-infectible. There are serious foci
of malarial mosquitoes in 68 counties of
the United States; and the U. S. Public
Health Service has outlined a program
costing $15,000,000 a year for at least five
years and $1,000,000 a year thereafter for
their control. It will be well worth the
cost.

New Weapons in an Old Fight

In the first World War, the most serious
causes of disability in the armed forces
were the venereal diseases. After the close
of hostilities, syphilis and gonorrhea as-
sumed almost epidemic proportions in
civilian populations all over the world.
During recent months the incidence rate
of these diseases has risen, both in the
services and at home. The condition is,
however, by no means so serious as one
might assume from reports of a 25 percent
or 50 percent increase, here or there, since
these percentage increases are estimated on
initially low rates. The combined incidence
rate of the venereal diseases in the army
in 1942 (under 40 per 1,000 per year) was
less than half the lowest annual rate for
our army in World War I.

Furthermore, we have, in this case also,
new and effective weapons in the war
against disease. Dr. George Baehr of New
York has said: "The recent introduction
of rapid treatment methods for early
syphilis has made it possible for the first
time to eliminate the disease. The five-day
drip technique for massive arsenotherapy,
and subsequent modifications, with and
without the artificial induction of fever,
can cure 80 to 90 percent of patients with
early syphilis. . . . The results of penicillin
treatment are at least as good as massive
arsenotherapy, and there are no toxic effects
whatever. Eighty to 90 percent of all pa-
tients with early syphilis can be rendered
non-infectious and perhaps cured within a
week."

These are new procedures and there will
certainly be limitations to their usefulness;
but they promise to reduce the treatment
period for syphilis to days or weeks instead
of months or years. As to gonorrhea, heat
treatment and the use of sulfa drugs and
penicillin have now given us prompt and
effective methods of treatment for a disease
which presented an almost hopeless prob-
lem in the past.

New drugs, however powerful, will not,
unfortunately, apply themselves. If we are
to avoid epidemics of syphilis and gon-
orrhea after the war, we must more full)
activate our local community machinery
for the control of commercialized vice on
the one hand and our public health ma-

120

SURVEY GRAPHIC

chinery for the eradication of syphilis and
gonorrhea on the other. The crowding of
lonely male and female workers into mush-
room munition towns and the return of
soldiers and sailors starved for sex satis-
faction cannot fail to create grave problems.

We shall need far more extensive and
adequate free treatment facilities than we
now possess; and we shall need vigorous
and continued epidemiological work for
the discovery of sources of infection and
the prompt treatment of carriers. Even
with the older methods of control, syphilis
in 1940 was as rare a disease in Stockholm
as typhoid fever was in New York.

What Sweden did, we with our new
weapons can accomplish.

Tuberculosis Unfinished Business

A century ago, our large cities had tuber-
culosis deathrates of 400 per 100,000 popu-
lation. Today, many of them have rates of
40. In smaller communities, rates below 20
are reported. Yet tuberculosis still ranks
as our seventh or eighth cause of death.

The major problem which confronts us,
in this case, is early diagnosis; but this term
no longer means the diagnosis of clinical
disease by fever and a cough and loss of
weight. It means diagnosis before clinical
disease occurs at all diagnosis through the
magic of the X-ray. In many individuals,
tuberculosis can be arrested even after clin-
ical symptoms have appeared. In other
instances, it is by that time too late. The
keystone of our program must be the dis-
covery of early lesions in the lung at a
time when the keenest diagnostician with
his stethoscope can observe no clinical ab-
normality.

Again, the army and navy have given
us a lead in this respect. For the first time
in history, we have a record of X-ray find-
ings for every young man of military age
as a result of the selective service pro-
cedures. In some but by no means all
communities, civilian health authorities
have seen to it that infected persons in
this group were brought under care in a
stage ideally suited for treatment. In cer-
tain states, comprehensive programs for
the X-raying of employes in industrial

Lunch in a plant cafeteria. Nutrition

establishments have been organized. A few
smaller communities have undertaken a
similar survey of their entire populations.
Grants which have been made available
from a $10,000,000 federal fund through
the U. S. Public Health Service should
greatly facilitate expansion along such lines.

Pneumonia and the Common Cold

Aside from syphilis and tuberculosis, the
only germ diseases left which are of really
major importance are the acute infections
of the upper respiratory tract. Pneumonia
and influenza still stand among the leading
causes of death in normal years; and the
common cold and related infections of
nose and throat far exceed all other mala-
dies as causes of disability. There is always
the possibility that influenza may again
assume pandemic proportions as it did in
1918.

There are three lines of approach in the
contrpl of these upper respiratory infections
treatment, immunization, and preven-
tion.

^i^H^BBHHHBHBBiHBB^^^HBHB^H
Lawrence D. Thornton
is a major factor in optimum health

U. S. Public Health Service posters

In the field of treatment, the sulfa drugs
and penicillin and similar substances are
of incalculable value in many forms of
pneumonia. Whether they would operate
in the face of a catastrophic world epi-
demic, like that of 1918, no one can say;
but marked reduction of fatalities might
be expected.

From the standpoint of specific immun-
ity, science has so far given us less clear
assurance; but the fact that the army pur-
chased last summer millions of hen's eggs
for the preparation of vaccines for. experi-
mental use against influenza indicates the
promise which this procedure presents.

For the basic prevention of infection,
recent discoveries have opened up new
vistas of progress. Evidence accumulated
during the past ten years has made it clear
that diseases of the upper respiratory tract
(particularly those caused by the class of
minute parasites known as viruses) are
spread, not merely by direct contact with
an infected person or with objects handled
by such a person, but largely perhaps
chiefly by fine droplets of mouth spray
transmitted through the atmosphere. Some
authorities believe that our preoccupation
with contact transmission and neglect of
air transmission is precisely the reason why
we have succeeded in the control of in-
testinal diseases and failed in the control
of respiratory diseases.

Studies in army and navy barracks have
shown that the treatment of floors and
bedding with oils which catch and hold
suspended atmospheric particles may re-
duce respiratory infections. A more far-
reaching attack on the spread of germs
through the atmosphere may be made by
spraying a very fine mist of certain dis-
infectants (serosols) into the air; or by
disinfecting the air in the upper part of a
room by the application of ultra-violet light.
These last two methods have been tested
with promising results in army and navy
barracks, as well as in schools.

The new technique of disinfection of

APRIL 1945

121

air has already established itself in the
operating room and in the contagious dis-
ease ward of the hospital. Whether it will
become standard practice for the classroom
and the auditorium, it is too early to say.
In New York and other states, careful
comparative studies are being carried out
in schools, with adequate untreated con-
trols which should help us to decide just
how much may be gained by such proced-
ures.

Optimum Health vs. Staying Alive

The mortality of the people of the
United States was decreased between 1900
and 1940 from nearly 18 per thousand to
less than 11 per thousand. The reduction
of almost 40 percent in the total burden of
sickness and death is a social phenomenon
of unprecedented magnitude. It has altered
the enure fabric of society by increasing
the average age of the population and has
brought the problems of old age into the
forefront of our planning. It compels the
health officer to recognize that the prime
causes of mortality today are diseases of the
heart and arteries, and cancer not infant
diarrhea nor diphtheria nor tuberculosis.

The problem of cancer is a major chal-
lenge in this field; and it is gratifying to
note that serious efforts are now being
made to raise funds for an intensified cam-
paign against this disease. Recent studies
of the chemical factors related to abnormal
cell growth may at any moment open the
door to effective control.

In dealing with the diseases of later life,
we cannot expect to reduce the total death-
rate per 1,000 of the whole population far
below its present level. What we can do
is to decrease mortality rates at given age
periods even though the parallel shift of
the population to later and later age periods
balances our gain in the deathrate at all
ages. Our objective will more and more
be to prolong life and to promote efficiency.
These things go together; for we cannot
prolong the mean length of life by ten
years without in essence making the man
of seventy as healthy and vigorous as was
the man of sixty in an earlier period. Our
aim will increasingly be health health in
that positive sense which William James
had in mind when he said, "Simply to
live, move and breathe should be a de-
light."

Food and Health

If we visualize the ideals of the future
public health movement in such terms as
these, our program broadens immeasurably.
The problem of nutrition, for example,
comes into the foreground; for no factor
in human life has a more significant influ-
ence than food on optimum health as
distinct from just staying alive. It is not
starvation, or even marked clinical types of
deficiency diseases, which are our problems
in the United States, but diets slightly or
moderately deficient in vitamins or salts or
other essential building-stones of the body.
Evidence of the harmful influence of such
deficiencies on the attainment of a high
level of health and efficiency is piling up
every year and every month.

The influence of dietary inadequacy

upon health begins in the womb. Experi-
ments with animals have shown that many
anatomical defects commonly attributed
to heredity may be produced by lack of
certain essential food factors. Observations
on human beings have indicated that simi-
lar deficiencies are directly related to the
course of pregnancy, the process of child-
birth, and the health of the infant during
the first fortnight of its life. Growth and
development and learning ability in child-
hood and youth depend in measurable de-
gree on dietary adequacy. In adult life,
capacity for heavy work, precision and dex-
terity in various tasks, and resistance to cer-
tain industrial poisons are all related to
similar factors.

Finally, the onset of the aging process
is markedly accelerated by poor diet. The
influence of dietary deficiency upon the
skin and hair of experimental animals is
well known; and recent observations in
Newfoundland, where such deficiency is
serious and widespread, have revealed
women in their twenties with the harsh
and wrinkled skins of ancient crones. It
would be surprising if such aging processes
in the skin were not duplicated in more
vital organs.

In the postwar period, we must attack
this problem of subtle chronic malnutrition
along three different lines. We shall need
to continue and supplement wartime regu-
lations for the maintenance or enrichment
of the essential food elements in our staple
foods. We must continue and expand our
program of popular health instruction in
regard to nutrition; and we must work for
the development of facilities by which the
people can actually apply the knowledge
they acquire, particularly through the de-
velopment of adequately supervised in-
dustrial cafeterias.

Housing and Health

Next to nutrition, the problem of hous-
ing emerges as a second major objective of
future campaigns for a positive and con-
structive health ideal. It is obvious that
numerous factors in the home environ-
ment influence physical and emotional and
social well-being in far-reaching and fun-
damental ways. The Committee on the
Hygiene of Housing of the American Pub-
lic Health Association has enumerated
thirty specific conditions of healthful hous-
ing which are beyond question related to
Ae realization of fundamental physiological
needs (an atmosphere that is not too cold
or too hot, adequate daylight and artificial
illumination, protection against noise, and
so on); to the realization of fundamental
psychological needs (among them, privacy,
and its obverse, opportunity for social inter-
course, facilities for the performance of the
60 hours a week of housework required
in an average home without undue fatigue,
a modicum of both esthetic satisfaction and
self-respect); to the avoidance of the
menaces of insanitation (including defec-
tive water supply or waste disposal, over-
crowding, presence of vermin); and to the
avoidance of accident hazards (which kill
30,000 persons a year in American homes).

To meet these fundamental needs, find-
ings of the U. S. Census of 1940 showed

that before the war, between 30 and 40
percent of our housing accommodations
were clearly below standard. To replace
present grossly substandard dwellings, to
relieve doubled-up and overcrowded fam-
ilies, to provide for new families and re-
place dwellings becoming obsolescent, it is
agreed that we shall need to build between
1,000,000 and 1,500,000 new homes an-
nually for a period of fifteen years.

As in the problems which have been pre-
viously discussed, science and technology
will aid us in this task. New plastic and
other materials, increased application of
prefabrication, over-all planning and in-
telligent financing techniques will make the
job easier. But the major discovery we
shall need to apply is the ancient but in-
completely realized discovery that man is
his brother's keeper.

The fundamental reason why people live
in slum tenements and in shacks on the
Appalachian mountain sides is that a sub-
stantial proportion of our people does not
and in any foreseeable future will not,
earn enough to pay for adequate housing.
There is only one practical remedy; and
that remedy is government-subsidized hous-
ing, based on the assumption that adequate
housing is an essential of decent American
citizenship.

This was the purpose of the federal hous-
ing act passed in 1937. Until the war stop-
ped the program, 131,349 dwelling units
were provided for low income families by
the Public Works Administration, the Fed-
eral Public Housing Administration and
the Farm Security Administration. The
local housing authorities, with aid from the
federal government, have in the main done
an honest job and a good job. For the first
time in our history, the best available
knowledge in planning, in architecture, in
sanitation, and in social science, has been
applied to the housing problem of the low
income group. However, this is only a
beginning.

Of the minimum of fifteen million
homes which we shall need, between four
and five million should be built for low
rent housing by public authorities. There
is no real conflict between public and pri-
vate housing in spite of the ill-advised op-
position to public housing on the part of
the National Association of Real Estate
Boards and the National Association of
Home Builders. All are agreed that private
enterprise should house every family which
it can house at a profit; and that its opera-
tions should be pushed as far as possible
down the economic scale by properly safe-
guarded aid in the form of low interest
public loans and assistance in land assem-
bly. Below the floor of private enterprise
is the ceiling of public housing. The floor
of private housing must be lowered and the
ceiling of public housing must be raised
until they meet.

Medical Care for the USA

A third major health problem of the
future is medical care. Competent studies
have shown, beyond peradventure, that, in
spite of the unrivalled facilities of the
United States in medical and dental and
(Continued on page 140)

122

SURVEY GRAPHIC

From Yalta

to the
Golden Gate

Like the Atlantic Charter
itself the Yalta Charter
leads on to the Great Deci-
sions faced at San Francisco

JAMES T. SHOTWELL

THE CONFERENCE OF THE
GOLDEN GATE! Let us hope that will
be its name and that the name will be
lived up to. For without doubt San Fran-
cisco becomes the setting for the most im-
portant conference not only in the history
of the United States but in the history of
the world.

The only parallel to it in our own ex-
perience is the convention which assembled
in Philadelphia in 1787 to frame the
American Constitution. The future of all
mankind hangs on whether something of
the high quality of statesmanship of the
Founding Fathers will be repeated at this
convention for framing a constitution for
the United Nations.

The problems with which it will have to
deal are the gravest, most difficult, in all
the history of politics. They are not mere
temporizing adjustments of diplomacy to
win advantage for this or that country; or
to secure a breathing space between wars.

The high purpose of the Golden Gate
Conference is to eliminate war as an -in-
strument of national policy, and that means
the greatest revolution ever attempted in
human affairs, for war has been the in-
strument of policy from the beginning of
time. Now, however, modern science, by
making war a uniyersal catastrophe, has
brought us to the choice either of getting
rid of war or of facing the destruction of
civilization itself.

This central fact of the Conference of
the United Nations should never be lost
sight of, never obscured by any partial de-
tails of the peace settlement, however im-
portant they may be in themselves. The
terms of that settlement as they apply to
the different countries of Europe offer a
whole set of immediate issues which are
of more pressing importance to the nations
directly concerned than the long-term prob-
lem of world organization. Yet it would be
a tragic blunder if these questions of pres-
ent-day politics were to be brought so much
to the fore in the world conference as to
reduce it to the lower plane of intrigue in

^fc " **

^Pt^Vsaau*^

Bishop in the 5"'. Louis Star-Times
Another Golden Gate at San Francisco

diplomacy and political pressures upon the
delegates.

The Two Great Areas of Settlement

On the one hand there is the liquidation
of the war itself; on the other hand the
planning for a world organization to pre-
vent its recurrence. Both these areas are
too vast and present too many difficulties
for any one conference to deal fully with
them. Here I can do little more than offer
a guide to the entrance of the labyrinth.

First with reference to the liquidation of
the war. Never since the fall of Rome has
there been such widespread devastation. In
five years' time Europe has moved much
more swiftly toward the Dark Ages than
the Roman world did in the fifth century.
Even where the bombs have not fallen, the
whole economic life is either denatured or
crushed out of existence by the demands of
war. Millions of people have been driven
from their homes and millions more are
starving and dying of diseases. A whole
generation is growing up under a regime
of force and violence and terror.

These problems of the postwar settlement
are therefore so real and so pressing that, as
I said in an earlier article, it is but natural
and indeed proper that they should be dealt
with immediately, that their settlement be
not delayed by concentration upon world-
wide planning for the future.

But, on the other hand, the plans for in-
ternational organization must not be falsi-
fied by the passionate interest of nations in
their purely local interests. The local settle-
ment of Europe will not be a settlement if
it preserves the old state system with reli-
ance upon war as the corrective for interna-

BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE

Third in a series of articles by the
historian of World War I, chairman of
the Commission to Study the Organiza-
tion of Peace.

tional maladjustments. That half of the
problem is what is most likely to be for-
gotten. Indeed it seems to have been al-
ready forgotten by some of those who with-
hold their support from the United Nations
organization until they can have a settle-
ment of the affairs of this or that European
country which, in their opinion often ill-
informed is right.

The Yalta Charter

It is in this regard that the Yalta Confer-
ence makes so great a contribution. It
frankly leaves the details of the settlement
of the specific European problems outside
the scope of the United Nations Confer-
ence. But the "Declaration on Liberated
Europe," drawn up at Yalta, offers a firm
foundation upon which the international
organization can be built. That foundation
is the democratic principle of the Atlantic
Charter, "the right of all peoples to choose
the form of government under which they
will live."

Reaffirmations of the Atlantic Charter
and of the pledge in the Declaration of the
United Nations to cooperate for a world of
freedom as well as for one of peace, were
textually connected in the Yalta Conference
with the reestablishment of law and order
in the liberated nations and not with the
plans for the United Nations Conference.
This does not mean that the principles for
liberated Europe are not also those of the
United Nations organization; but it does
mean that they are given more vitality and
strength by connecting them with the in-
escapable problems of European reconstruc-
tion.

So important is this statement of the
principles governing the three great allies
in the reestablishment of peace that it
should be regarded as a new charter, more
definite and further reaching that that of
the Atlantic. If the Yalta Charter is ad-
hered to, it will ensure not only the peace
of Europe better than any other single de-
vice could secure it, but will help vastly in
the construction of the world organization

APRIL 1945

129

for peace and security. The paragraph in
question is too important to summarize. It
runs as follows:

"To foster the conditions in which the
liberated peoples may exercise these rights,
the three Governments will jointly assist
the people in any European liberated state
or former Axis satellite state in Europe
where in their judgment conditions require

"(A) to establish conditions of internal
peace;

"(B) to carry out emergency measures
for the relief of distressed people;

"(C) to form interim governmental au-
thorities broadly representative of all demo-
cratic elements in the population and
pfcdged to the earliest possible establish-
ment through free elections of governments
responsive to the will of the people; and

"(D) to facilitate where necessary the
holding of such elections."

The rebuilding of Europe on these prin-
ciples is all that anyone could desire. Yet
there are those, like Sir William Beveridge
in London, who apparently regard these
promises as but mere forms of words dis-
guising the creation of a Holy Alliance.
Here in the United States there is a move-
ment skillfully conducted to concentrate at-
tention upon Poland, not only as the test
for the Yalta program but as the test for
the structure of peace itself.

The Test Case of Poland

The Polish question is and long has been
the most difficult problem presented by any
of the nations of Europe. It should be said
at once, and kept constantly in mind, that
there is no one settlement which will be
satisfactory to both the Poles and their
neighbors or even to all sections of the
Polish nation. At the same time, the suf-
ferings of Poland and its heroic struggle
for freedom are constantly in the mind of
Americans. We want to see justice done to

a people which has suffered from injustice
as few others have done, a proud, brave
people who are the victims of both circum-
stance and history.

The chief issue at present is the frontier
between Poland and Russia. Polish na-
tionalists both in the United States and
in London claim all the territory which
was granted to Poland by the Bolshevik
government in 1921, as a result of a Polish
victory over the Bolshevik armies. This
line is far east of the ethnic frontier which
was drawn by the geographers at the Paris
Peace Conference and had been known as
the Curzon Line because of the part taken
by the British Foreign Secretary in the at-
tempted negotiations with Poland. Ethno-
graphically, the Curzon Line was one of
the best frontiers in eastern Europe. There-
fore, in going back to it, Soviet Russia has
a case which must not be overlooked or
underestimated. It should be remarked,
however, in this connection, that the pres-
ent Russian claims go farther than the
Curzon Line in the inclusion of the city of
Lwow at the south and of the industrial
area at the north.

This frontier, however, is only one factor
in the Polish question. Senator Vandenberg
has put his finger more accurately upon the
real problem of the settlement of Poland
in this insistence that the tripartite commis-
sion, American, British and Russian, which
is to preside over the setting up of the new
republic, shall really see to it that the
principles of the Yalta Conference quoted
above shall be applied with justice for all.
including those who have opposed Russia
in the present controversy. This is a sound
basis of policy. But it could easily be falsi-
fied if we were to listen to only one faction
of Polish opinion and accept only a full
satisfaction of nationalist claims in the set-
ting up of the Polish government.

Deeper study of the situation reveals the
fact that we are dealing not merely with

the rival claims of Russians and Poles, but
with the internal problem of agrarian re-
form in Poland itself. That would be a
strange and perverse turn of events if any
member of the American delegation were
to oppose a settlement of the Polish ques-
tion and therefore weaken the structure
of the whole peace settlement because of
his support of the outworn system of laru
tenure in eastern Poland.

Germany and Japan

Important as is this test case of Polanc
the settlement of Germany itself present
even more difficult issues, both because of
the magnitude of the task of readjustment
and the danger to the peace of the world it
there is failure there. Fortunately, once
more, the Yalta Conference gave a guar
antee for ultimate success in its assurance
to the people of Germany that the purpos<
of the Allies is not to destroy the Germar
nation, but only to rid it of militarisn
Such an aim is constructive and curative-
and for the ultimate benefit of the Ger-
mans themselves. The evil which has in-
fected their political life throughout his
tory has been reliance upon war and glori-
fication of it as the instrument of nationa
policy.

Germany and Japan are our enemies, not
because of any rivalry in trade or in the
peaceful dealings of nation with nation, but
because they have not only resorted to war
to impose their will upon their neighbors,
but have made it the symbol and embodi-
ment of their history.

Once we recognize this fact, we see that
the Golden Gate Conference of the United
Nations is not to be directed against Ger-
many as such or even against its best inter-
ests. The final enemy with which the
United Nations are now reckoning is not
the Axis Powers, but war itself. This is no
mere form of words. It is the ultimate
reality of the Conference of the Golden
Gate.

INTERNATIONAL COURT
OF JUSTICE

ECONOMIC
& SOCIAL
COUNCIL

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION PROPOSED AT DUMBARTON OAKS

The United Nations: for Peace and World Progress. Chart, Department of State, USA

124

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Farmers Must Go Fishing

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

THE FIFTY-SEVEN MILLION PEOPLE WHO LIVE

on farms and in villages in the United
States are the medically forgotten men of
this nation. They raise most of the na-
tion's food. They will raise a large part
of the nation's future population, since the
cities do not reproduce themselves. But
they have had far less than their fair share
of doctors, dentists, nurses, hospitals, and
health departments, and the health-giving
life of the countryside is more than coun-
terbalanced by the health-deteriorating
shortage of preventive and curative medi-
cine in those countrysides.

The war has made matters much worse.
Now, the last war years challenge the post-
war future. What shall the rural people
themselves and the whole nation do for
rural health?

Scarce As Hens' Teeth

I was raised in Manhattan. Our family
doctor lived on the next block. I learned in
childhood that there were people who went
without doctoring because they had no
money, but I never imagined that lots of
people lived where getting a doctor was as
hard as the task of the blind man in a dark
cellar, hunting for a black cat that isn't
there. I was approaching college age before
I found that many of our neighbors were
wrong in feeling that the United States
was bounded on the north by Grant's
Tomb, on the south by Coney Island, on
the East by Westminster Abbey, and on the
west by the Hudson River.

Many of our health planners and most of
the policy-makers of professional associa-
tions have been city people to whom this
kind of geography is intuitive, with varia-
tions to fit Chicago, Boston, and other well-
lighted spots.

The facts of rural medical care did not
come by intuition to the Illinois family
whose father told me: "When my wife had
pneumonia we had the doctor out twice.
He charged us only three dollars a visit,
but we had .to pay him mileage and a dol-
lar a mile, twelve miles out, made it fifteen
dollars a time. All the cash I take in isn't
over $600 in a year."

"With the war on," said an Indiana
woman at the Farm Foundation Confer-
ence last spring, "many doctors just can't
make home calls. One of our family sent
home after a major operation in a hospital,
had to be bundled up and taken miles to
the doctor's office for after-care. She had
an appointment and he saw her, but she
had to wait for ten other patients first."

"With rural dentists always short and
the war making them shorter," added an
Indiana man, "you can get a date with a
dentist in something like three months, ;/
you \now the dentist''

"What shall we do in a county with
over 15,000 people and only two doctors?"

HEALTH TODAY & TOMORROW

Third in the series by the chairman
of the committee on Research in Medical
Economics, and associate editor of Sur-
vey Graphic.

writes a health officer from Kentucky.
"What will happen to our health," asks an
Alabama doctor, "where sixty-four out of
the sixty-seven counties have more than 1,-
600 people for each active physician, and
eighteen counties have more than 3,000?"
Bear in mind that one doctor per 1,500 per-
sons is the "generally accepted wartime
minimum for civilian safety." By the end
of 1943, with 50,000 doctors taken into the
armed forces, draining rural areas exces-
sively, there were 795 out of our 3,070
counties with less than one active doctor
for 8,000 people.

In such states as Nebraska and the Da-
kotas the doctor shortage is even worse,
outside of a few cities. And in our na-
tional cake-basket, Iowa, the villages and
farm areas just before the war had only a
third as many doctors in proportion to
population as the city of Des Moines, and
these localities were spending less than a
cent per capita for public health work.
Adequate preventive service needs over one
hundred times that. Over 1,300 counties,
mostly rural, have no health department
with a full time health officer.

The Lures of the City

Part of this picture is economic. In 1940,
half of all the farm families in the United
States had incomes below $760 a year, and
the incomes of a third were under $500.'
In the same year, the median income for
city families was over $1,850.

It is no wonder that of the young army
doctors who answered an American Medi-
cal Association questionnaire last year,
barely 13 percent said they would locate in
rural areas after demobilization. The cause
of this decision is only partly a matter of
money. The modern young doctor wants a
hospital as well as a handbag. Furthermore,
half the annual crop of physicians is raised
in big-city medical schools in Massachu-
setts, New York, Pennsylvania. Illinois, and
California. On the other hand, there are
no medical graduates from nineteen rural
states. Before the war, most medical gradu-
ates preferred to start their careers in the
type of well-to-do state in which they had
been trained. The number of physicians in
proportion to population was increasing in
these states and actually diminishing in
most others. Varying state medical license
laws hinder the location and relocation of
doctors. Thus we have been letting our
rural health clocks run down.

IJon't blame young doctors! You would
not advise a young friend who had spent
his first twenty-seven years obtaining a
inedical education to start his life-work
where he would face the frustrations of
both low income and inability to do the
quality job he was trained for. The ways
of present medical training and the reason-
able pursuit of professional and financial
opportunities put most young doctors into
the net of city specialism.

For a generation, the medical schools
have been concentrating on a quality job
on training for skills. The foundations and
many state governments have aided them.
Each has spun its own thread. Nobody has
woven a pattern of cloth to fit the nation's
needs.

Concentrating on Quality

Alone among the professional organiza-
tions, the American Public Health Associa-
tion has made a pattern of preventive med-
icine for the United States, a pattern for
distributing preventive facilities and per-
sonnel, quantitatively planned and admin-
istratively tested, and now awaiting only
increased appropriations from national and
state governments to effectuate it. Organ-
ized medicine, dentistry, and nursing have
concentrated for a generation on quality of
practitioner skills, educational standards,
specialist requirements a primary job in-
deed, during a period of unprecedented
scientific and technical advance.

So have the hospital bodies. For nearly
twenty years, the Duke Endowment aided
the construction and maintenance of hospi-
tals in North Carolina. Yet in 1940 when
73 percent of the state's population resided
in rural areas, only 31 percent of the state's
physicians lived there to serve them and
the actual number of rural doctors had
dropped by 50 percent in twenty-five years.
The results might have been very different
if the Duke Endowment's aid to hospitals
had been tied up on the one side with a
regionally planned public health program
and on the other side with popular and
professional education. Concentration of
this sort by several specialized agencies,
each on a part of the job, now leaves con-
siderable sections of this country without
any modern tools of health.

Hospitals Step Forward

This year, the American Hospital As-
sociation steps out in front with the Hill-
Burton bill (S. 191) on which important
hearings have taken place before the Sen-
ate Educational and Labor Committee. The
American Medical Association supports the
bill, swallowing the pill of federal, aid to
construction because of a feared dose of
national health insurance. The bill provides
for studies in each state by a state agency,
with the help of the U. S. Public Health

APRIL 1945

125

Service, to chart needs for new, improved,
or enlarged hospitals and for public health
centers. It authorizes a federal appropria-
tion of $100,000,000 to aid in the construc-
tion of projects which fit the pattern of
studied needs in the opinion of the sur-
geon-general of the Public Health Service
and of an advisory council to be composed
chiefly of people "familiar with the opera-
tion of hospitals."

This bill is an imaginative advance to-
ward statewide and district planning of
interrelated large and small hospitals. On
the other hand, its administrative provi-
sions, as drafted, tie the hands of the sur-
geon-general to a council which has more
than advisory powers and which includes
only professional people no representation
of rural folk. And most of the poorer rural
areas could not qualify for aid under the
bill because they could not give the re-
quired "reasonable assurance" of financial
maintenance of the hospital. These areas
cannot be supplied with either hospitals or
doctors unless the problem of facilities and
the problem of paying power are tackled
together.

The Farmer's Best Bait

Unpredictable sickness costs fall more
unevenly upon rural than upon city fami-
lies. The reason is simply that a larger
proportion of the medical care sought by
farm and village folk is for the more seri-
ous, more expensive cases. For this and for
other reasons, the medical paying power of
rural people would be especially boosted,
as well as stabilized, if medical costs were
paid on a budgeted basis.

The key letters in solving the rural medi-
cal problem are: P & P, standing for both
Prepayment and Paying Power. The key
idea in extending rural P & P is to spread
medical costs over as wide an area and as
many people as possible. One hundred or
two hundred families joining a voluntary
prepayment plan are too few to make
P & P count. A population mostly of mar-
ginal farmers or sharecroppers is too poor
to make P & P practicable. Even 6 percent
of the median cash rural income of $760 is
only $45.60, too little to pay for the services
of physicians and hospitals for a family. A
nationwide P & P will minimize the
amount of tax subsidy required for rural
areas and will maximize the extent of self-
supported medical care.

Should places like Erie County, New
York, be ready to enter a national P & P
pool with counties in Georgia or Nebraska
that have about one fifth Erie County's per
capita wealth? The answer is: Y because
(in addition to other reasons) a good many
of the workers in Erie County's industries
will be drawn from men and women raised
in just such poor counties.

Consider the matter first from the doc-
tors' angle, second from the point of view
of rural people and their agencies. As to
the doctors, they can only be assured an
income in most rural localities through
either prepayment or tax subsidy. And if
modern-trained doctors are to be attracted
and held, they must have hospitals and

educational facilities as well as assurance
of income. Within the next few years doc-
tors will be demobilized from war service.
Then will come the unique opportunity
to attract to rural areas many of the 20,000
young doctors who will begin their civilian
professional careers at that time.

What will be done depends mostly on
what the rural people themselves will do.
Rural people must seek if they are to find.
Farmers must go fishing for doctors. Their
best bait is P & P, although they must use
the other lures also. Local initiative by
farm people is essential, through branches
of Farm Bureaus, the Farmers Union, the
Grange, and other bodies. Local action is
the foundation for nationwide action. But
a multitude of local fishing parties will
catch only a few scattered fish. State and
national farm leaders must recognize the
necessity of district, state, and nationwide
planning of services, and of national pool-
ing of costs, under conditions which retain
substantial local responsibility.

Farmer Brown Must Be Served

During the last ten years, notable prog-
ress has been made towards national action.
Since 1935, federal funds to develop local
health departments and maternity and chil-
dren's services, with and through the states,
have brought excellent results and wide-
spread acceptance. Today, in 1945, federal
assistance to hospital planning and con-
struction is accepted by the American Hos-
pital Association and the American Medi-
cal Association and may be adopted by
Congress. A third principle, federal aid
for the care of needy persons, is now ef-
fectuated for some categories of people, in-
cluding medical care for migrant farm
workers. Its extension is advocated by the
American Hospital Association and is ac-
cepted by the American Medical Associa-
tion with the characteristic proviso that
need should be determined "locally."

Ahead of us lie acceptance of two other
policies of national action for health: first,
national provision to help farmers fish for
doctors at the time of medical demobili-
zation; second, nationwide spreading of the
medical costs that can be met by self-sup-
porting people through contributory insur-

1. To help rural people fish for doctors
there must be a national agency, perhaps the
prospective Office of Rural Health Services
in the Department of Agriculture. Work-
ing through local and state agencies, this
national body must aid rural localities and
farmers' associations to estimate their needs
and organize their opportunities. The same
agency, working on the other side, with
the American Medical Association and
other professional groups (including the
Procurement and Assignment Service, if
that is continued) must inform doctors
about rural opportunities and assist doctors
to take advantage of them.

The doctors must be attracted, not as-
signed. The information must flow to them
from a national source, because most of the
rural states have no potential supply of

young doctors trained within their borders.
The interests and the idealism of the doc-
tors themselves must be tapped. The As-
sociation of Internes and Medical Students
and perhaps other agencies should obtain
the names of young doctors who are ready
to go to country Districts, individually or
in small teams, under financial and pro
fessional conditions which these young men
should be invited to specify.

2. To spread medical costs, rural
pie should establish P & P as far as the
can, should demand legislation as far
they will, and should remember that while
the short-run test is to satisfy Farmer
Brown and his wife, the long-run footrule
is service to fifty-seven million people.
Sr P for hospitalization only will not take
farmers far. Blue Cross plans have made
little headway in some rural areas anc
some Farm Bureaus have included hospital-
ization with other benefits in their
group insurance plans. But spreading he
pital costs alone will not meet the primary
rural medical requirement. That require
ment is a local doctor available to diagno*
and treat sickness before it is seriou
enough to necessitate a hospital.

The Farm's Prime Crop

The rural problem is varied. Thus the
bait of the fishing parties and the organi-
zation of the medical services in a section
of family-sized farms will be different from
those in cotton or fruit country with
large scale industrialized farming. The
sparse population of grazing and dry-farm-
ing areas, the low income farms on margi-
nal soil, sections with many tenants and
sharecroppers, present other rural types.

Good-sized industries in trading centers
serving rural areas are yet another sort,
wherein medical services to the country
people might be had by extending an in-
dustrial plan like Henry Kaiser's or the
Standard Oil Company's of Louisiana. In
some places, a country or district health
department might be the center of the
medical care program.

These varieties preclude any uniform
pattern of action, but all the patterns are
based on uniform principles, diversely ap-
plied. And all the principles and many of
the patterns have been already demon-
strated in action in this country or in Can-
ada.

Rural people have been shocked to learn
that farm boys show the highest selective
service rejection rates. They are catching
on to such facts as these: that a hernia can
cause a farm's failure no less than a
drought; that rural deathrates are high
from ~the very ills that medicine can now
prevent or control typhoid fever, pneu-
monia, malaria, diseases of infancy, condi-
tions of childbirth.

Through three war seasons farmers have
fought in sun and storm to raise bumper
crops for us and for our Allies. For over a
decade, farm organizations have sought
and had national help to raise better crops
at bigger prices. Now it is time to combine
local and national action to raise men.

126

SURVEY GRAPHIC

They Can Be Made Over

The story of a public school and its long record in using friendliness and
understanding to turn delinquent boys into sound, useful young citizens.

CERTAINLY THE.KE is NOTHING ABOUT THE
outside of New York's P.S. 37 to suggest
that it is one of the most remarkable public
schools in the country. If you enter it, how-
ever, you begin to see that it is a distinctive
institution.

Boys passing in the halls smile and say
"Good morning," with warm, unexpected
friendliness. The classroom where you are
taken by the principal, Mrs. Lillian L.
Rashkis, is decorated with homemade
murals, and clean enough to satisfy a
Danish sea captain. A boy proudly brings
out the bottle of lemon oil they use to
polish their desks; another suggests that the
desks be opened to show how they are kept.
And as you leave, the pint-size youth who
opens the door invites you to come again,
with the air of a sincere and friendly host.

The guest who arrives on a Thursday
morning is likely to visit the school as-
sembly. Here two hundred and fifty boys
listen to the speaker with absorbed atten-
tion; then fire questions which indicate a
breadth of information quite unexpected in
a school that ranges in grade from 5A to
SB. A number of nationalities are repre-
sented; many of the boys are colored. One
is impressed, however, with two outstand-
ing facts. There is not a bored or sullen
face in the room, and there is not a boy
who fails to make a neat appearance. A
school, the visitor might think, especially
geared for boys with unusually high IQs
and excellent deportment records.

The Boys and Their Records

As a matter of fact, the enrollment of
P.S. 37 is drawn entirely from the most
uncontrollable behavior cases in the schools
of Manhattan and the Bronx. These boys
have led predatory gangs, beaten or even
knifed other children, constantly played
truant, assaulted teachers, committed van-
dalism, and kept classrooms in a perpetual
uproar. At least half have had court ex-
perience and many were sent to P.S. 37
as a last resort before commitment to cor-
rectional institutions.

Mrs. Rashkis and her teachers have de-
veloped out of this raw material a school
where the standards of interest, courtesy,
and good behavior are considerably above
average. According to Judge Juvenal Mar-
chisio of the New York Domestic Relations
Court, the school salvages more than 90
percent of its pupils, saving for good citi-
zenship boys who might otherwise have
gone on to reform school and eventually to
prison.

These results are not due to miracles but
to wisely applied psychology, seasoned with
tact and warm human sympathy. Mrs.
Rashkis says that the rehabilitation of her
boys depends on treating them like people
entitled to respect; making them feel well

ELSIE McCORMICK

By a free-lance reporter whose back-
ground includes the University of Cali-
fornia, three years in China, a busy
stretch as feature writer and columnist
on the old New York World. Since the
demise of the World she has handled
magazine assignments as far apart in
theme and geography as an interview
with Prime Minister DeValera in Ire-
land, and a study of the Matanuska
Colony in Alaska.

liked and wanted; finding something at
which they can be successful; and discover-
ing some way in which they can serve
others.

A boy is transferred to P.S. 37 by court
order, by the Bureau of Attendance, or by
one of the district superintendents of
schools. Usually he arrives under convoy of
a truant officer, with none too clean shirt
open at the neck and a surly, defiant look.
He expects this to be a tough school,
worthy of his fanciest misconduct.

Newcomer in a New School

But when he enters his assigned class he
is baffled. It is a small class about sixteen
boys with the desks arranged in an in-
formal circle. The boys already there actu-
ally seem to be interested in their work.
Feeling a little self-conscious, the newcomer
tries out a Bronx cheer. To his amazement
it is the other boys, rather than the teacher,
who shush him down. "Kid stuff" is what
a class committee calls his antics when its
members accost him at recess.

The new boy soon discovers that his way
of attracting attention by misbehavior no
longer works. Nor can he win any laurels
by boasting about his record, for there are
boys here who can match or exceed almost
any record of youthful transgressions. The
unwholesome props that have been sustain-
ing his ego suddenly collapse. But this is
only the first step.

"The most important thing is to find
something in which he can be successful,"
Mrs. Rashkis said. "Up to now these boys
have known nothing but criticism; they
feel that nobody wants them or likes them."

One sullen, suspicious boy was compli-
mented on the expert way he knotted his
tie, and was asked to help the younger boys
with theirs. This chance to be proud of
something was the first step toward a com-
plete change in the boy's character.

Soon after a pupil is admitted he is tested
by a psychiatrist and a psychologist from
the Child Guidance Bureau. A home visitor
calls on his family. Their findings are pre-
sented at a conference attended by the prin-
cipal and his teachers. The causes of the
boy's difficulty are discussed, his abilities
and character traits are analyzed, and a plan

is worked out for his rehabilitation.

In nine out of ten cases the blame rests
not on the boy himself but obviously on his
parents. Of sixty-five boys recently studied,
only four had homes that were satisfactory.
Again and again the reports show squalor,
indifference, lack of understanding, cruel
treatment, perpetual family rows, divorce,
and parents who seldom manage to be at
home. By no means all the boys come from
backgrounds of poverty. There are neurotic
parents, emotional strain, and the deadly
habit of ignoring one child and favoring
another in homes with scalloped chintz
curtains and Grade A milk.

Three Boys and Their Problems

How the school starts its rehabilitation
can be illustrated by the case of fourteen-
year-old Frank. At first he was a sorry-
looking specimen. His eyes blinked con-
stantly, and his body twitched as if pulled
by invisible wires. The boy's record showed
that he shouted in class, used foul language,
and was hated and feared by his school-
mates. His home, the school's visitor dis-
covered, was nicely kept and the family
was not uneducated. The difficulty was that
his father behaved like an Indian potentate,
demanding instant, cringing obedience from
his son and severely beating him if he so
much as hesitated. The boy's form of pro-
test was his behavior in school.

Frank had ability to draw, but his only
subjects, the psychologist soon learned, were
skeletons, coffins, and graveyards. At P.S.
37 he was assigned to the project of making
a mural for his classroom, showing scenes
from colonial history. Driven by a desire
to get the details of his picture correct, he
advanced two years in reading ability with-
in a few months. The praise he received
for these achievements made a great change
in the boy's disposition. The twitching soon
disappeared. Later he even gained enough
poise to address the school assembly. Al-
though his home situation is still far from
ideal, he has ceased to be a problem.

A not uncommon mistake of parents was
presented by the case of Solly, a Jewish boy
from a comfortable middle-class home. For
months in his old school he had refused
to say a word in class, and his perpetually
sneering attitude raised hob with morale.

After he had been two weeks at P.S. 37,
Mrs. Rashkis, seeming to choose him at
random, made him her office boy. Set to
work running errands and answering tele-
phones, Solly became so interested he for-
got he had not been talking to teachers.

Within a week he told Mrs. Rashkis his
story. He had a brilliant brother, destined
for a professional career, who got all the
new clothes and all his mother's concern
and affection. "I just thought, 'What's the
use of my trying to be anything?'" Solly

APRIL 1945

127

explained. Mrs. Rashkis convinced him that
even if he did not enter a profession, he
could serve society in other ways. Solly has
since grown into a useful, well adjusted
citizen. He is the owner of a small factory,
and the father of a happy family.

With boys who become behavior prob-
lems, the usual tendency of teachers and
parents is not to trust them with any re-
sponsible job. Yet such a job often proves
to be effective moral medicine. Take
George, a boy who had failed to adjust him-
self to his stepfather. His unhappiness at
home was expressed in truancy and temper
tantrums, to such an extent that six schools
had dismissed him in a whirl of sparks.

At P.S. 37 he showed his first sign of
interest when Mrs. Rashkis asked the boys
to suggest a good way of storing and dis-
tributing the mid-morning milk. George's
plan was accepted as the most efficient.
"O.K.," he said. "I'll be here at seven
o'clock every morning." He did the work
faithfully, without missing a day, until he
graduated.

"George is a changed boy," his step-
father wrote, after the youngster had taken
on this responsibility. "He's actually happy.
His temper tantrums have disappeared."

Another boy, well known to the truant
officers, was given a job running magic
lanterns and moving-picture machines. He
went through two terms without being late
or absent once. Asked about his good rec-
ord, he said: "Well, I never was in a school
before where they really needed me."

Meet the Principal

Nerve center of the school is its princi-
pal, Mrs. Rashkis. A mature and warm-
hearted woman, sympathetic but not senti-
mental, she can get down to a boy's level,
see his point of view, and penetrate the
shield he tries to raise between himself
and the adult world. One boy came into
her office to announce that his sister was
getting married next day "to a swell guy
in a band," and that he was going to bring
the teachers some wedding cake. Another
proudly carried in a sewing table that he
had just made for his mother in the wood-
working class. It was difficult to believe
that these friendly, self-respecting pupiK
had once been the warped rowdies de-
scribed in the records.

The evolution of P.S. 37 began eighty-
eight years ago, when New York estab-
lished its first special school for "idle and
truant children." Since that time several
similar schools have opened and later gone
out of existence. Through their long and
complicated history ran a thread of failure,
due to the use of principles now outmoded.
But more enlightened methods were de-
veloped; and in 1912, P.S. 120 was made a
probationary school with emphasis on in-
telligence and achievement tests, training
along the lines of the pupil's aptitudes, and
encouragement of habits of courtesy and in-
dustry. Later, when this school was closed,
most of its pupils were transferred to P.S.
37.

Since Mrs. Rashkis took over in 1930,
there have been further improvements, due
in large part to growing knowledge about
the psychology of childhood and adoles-

cence. There has been, too, a large measure
of success. The methods by which the
school redeems its maladjusted boys cannot
be dismissed as experimental; they have
been tested for too many years.

To be a P.S. 37 boy was once considered
a disgrace. Mrs. Rashkis set out nearly

Lillian L. Rashkis, principal of P.S. 37

fifteen years ago to make attendance there
a matter of pride. She interested the boys
in decorating the walls, polishing their
desks, and keeping the halls in spotless con-
dition. The delight these maladjusted lads
took in attractive surroundings was pa-
thetic.

Soon such improvements began to be re-
flected in the neater appearance of the boys
themselves. Today, many of them wash
and iron their own shirts. Pupils with extra
neckties bring them to school for those who
have none. Improvement in a boy's ap-
pearance has an almost miraculous in-
fluence on his self-confidence and self-
respect.

A New Curriculum

One of the problems at P.S. 37 has been
to make class work interesting. The present
curriculum was the result of careful stud)
by the school staff, by authorities in the
New York City system, and by an advisory
committee of nationally known educators
and psychologists. Evidently they accom-
plished their purpose. The attendance rec-
ords of P.S. 37 compare well with those of
other schools, even though some of the
pupils drawn from all parts of Manhat-
tan and the Bronx travel over an hour a
day each way.

You would hardly imagine that studying
"The American Home" would appeal to
sixth-grade boys who had been the most
conspicuous hornets in the New York
school system. Yet no class I visited demon-
strated greater interest. Small-fry crowded
around to show me a model wigwam, dia-
grams of housing developments, and a two-
story miniature house they had made, com-
plete down to the last baking pan. Many of
the boys have carried the instruction into
their own homes by painting and repairing

furniture, making window-boxes, and rais-
ing the family standards of order and
cleanliness.

There is special training in nutrition,
because improper food can have a great
deal to do with anti-social behavior. The
staff early discovered that breakfast for a
number of the boys consisted of two or
three cents' worth of candy, bought on the
way to school. In some unsupervised house-
holds the boys had only sandwiches for
dinner, or perhaps a couple of ice-cream
sodas.

To improve the situation, the teachers
prepared a model breakfast for the pupils:
fruit, milk, and cereal. The mothers were
told about it; then invited to take a nutri-
tion course. Better nourishment has meant
less illness, less nervousness, and greater
emotional stability.

About 15 percent of the boys who enter
the school lisp or stutter, conditions which
frequently go with emotional maladjust-
ment. A teacher trained in speech improve-
ment helps them to overcame their handi-
caps; then public-speaking practice gives
poise and self-confidence, and relief from
emotional pressure.

Assembly periods furnish a means of
blowing off steam. Every Monday, school
problems and standards are discussed with
the give-and-take of a New England town
meeting. The boys learn to respect other
people's opinions and to disagree without
resorting to knuckle-dusters. These as-
semblies are impressive. Drums roll during
the lusty singing of "The Star Spangled
Banner"; a bugle and a color guard add to
the impressiveness of the salute to the flag.
The SB classes enter to the strains of "Pomp
and Circumstance," with all the dignity of
the United States Supreme Court. Some
of these big boys had been bullies in their
former schools, but the prestige they enjoy
here brings about an amazing change of
attitude.

Learning to Look Ahead

Dealing, as it does, with boys who might
so easily have drifted into crime, P.S. 37
places great emphasis on vocational guid-
ance and training. Every pupil's aptitudes
are studied by a psychologist. The wood-
working shop and the printing shop are
not mere expressions of "manual training";
they have prepared many a boy for a good
job or for advanced work at vocational
high school. Pupils also learn to operate
and repair motion picture machines, do
clerical work, and develop other skills thai
can help them earn a living. The older
boys are encouraged to take jobs after
school. Earning money adds to their self-
respect, and working leaves them little time
for hanging out with neighborhood gangs.

The class on Social, Character, and Voca-
tional Guidance, conducted by Mrs. Rash-
kis, is one of the school's most extraordi-
nary features. Here the boys learn to be
courteous. They learn to write convincing
answers to advertisements. They praqfice
applying for jobs in turn, with a member
of the class serving as employer and the
rest of them sitting in as critics.

Above all, they consider ways and means
of making themselves eligible for the work

128

SURVEY GRAPHIC

tAey want. Mrs. Rashkis encourages them
to take a long view, and to resist the easy
wartime money offered by dead-end jobs.
When I visited the class, the pupils were
selecting want ads that they might be
equipped to answer ten years from now,
and working out ways of preparing them-
selves.

"What kind of life do you want to live?"
is a question that frequently brings reveal-
ing answers. One pupil said that he wanted
to take a course in electric wiring; then
get a job on a boat and spend the rest of
his life going from port to port, without
ever stopping anywhere for more than a
few days. This ambition highlighted the
boy's profound unhappiness and sense of
insecurity. A broken home, experience in
an orphanage, and difficulties with his step-
father had shattered his faith in the world
and been responsible for his delinquency.
The principal and the home visitor helped
his mother to see the boy's problem, and
later brought about a better family adjust-
ment.

Pupils in this class read the lives of
Booker T. Washington, George Washing-
ton Carver, Michael Pupin, Helen Keller,
Edward Bok, and others who achieved suc-
cess in the face of extraordinary difficulties.
In a self-evaluation test, the boys list the
outstanding traits that produced the success

and then analyze their own characters in
accordance with these standards. Mrs.
Rashkis leads the discussion by describing
faults of her own and how she endeavors to
overcome them. The boys then show little
hesitation in talking about their own weak-
nesses and shortcomings.

Here again, the revelations are often
significant. One boy admitted that he had
a bad temper. "But I don't want to cure
it," he had said. "I want it to get worse
and worse, until I get to the point where
I'll find my father and kill him."

His father, it developed, had deserted the
family, and his mother had wrecked her
health in a struggle for a livelihood. The
solution lay in having the father located
through the Family Court. Now that he is
obliged to contribute regularly, his son no
longer feels a strong urge toward retribu-
tion, and is in a much better frame of
mind. He is eagerly training himself for a
good job, so that he can help out later on
with the family support.

Character building is also promoted by
daily "adjustment periods." Each teacher
is available forty-five minutes a day for pri-
vate sessions with pupils who want guid-
ance and advice. Boys bring in all sorts of
troubles. The fact that they have a sym-
pathetic person to listen to them eases their
minds and improves their attitudes, even if

the remedy lies beyond the teacher's scope.
Behavior and Health

Because experience at P.S. 37 has shown
that bad behavior is often related to im-
paired health, the boys are given careful
and frequent medical examinations and, if
necessary, treatment at local clinics or hos-
pitals is arranged. The staff makes every
effort to correct or offset physical handi-
caps. They know that the boy with poor
eyesight sometimes becomes a center of
mischief because he is unable to follow the
work of the class, and that the overgrown
pupil suffers from association with smaller
classmates. Embittered by ridicule, the boy
with an obvious disfigurement may become
a prime example of meanness and cruelty.

A boy of ten, who looked sixteen, came
to the school with a "hot" behavior record.
If he had been put in the grade for which
he was qualified, he would have had to
associate with the smallest boys in the
school. But it was just such a situation that
had turned him into an uncontrollable
trouble-maker. Therefore he was placed in
a class with boys his own size, and given
reading instruction away from the others,
so that he could keep within hailing dis-
tance of their work. Since he was no longer
conspicuous, the traits that had made him
(Continued on page 139)

PM Photo

History is fun at P.S. 37. Here pupils are learning how our country grew as they cut out and fit together parts of the map
APRIL 1945

129

-?ij -<v-- -.
; -te<--/-^rv^vPr

Women Political Workers. By Wang Jen-feng

CHINA in WARTIME

The striking woodcut on the cover of this issue and the prints reproduced
here will appear in "China in Black and White," an album of some eighty
wartime woodcuts by contemporary Chinese artists, with commentary by
Pearl S. Buck. The book is to be brought out shortly by the Asia Press, a
new publishing firm affiliated with the John Day Company.

Railway Bridge. By Liang Yung-tai

Putting Up Posters. By Chu Ming-kang

SPECIAL BOOK SECTION

LETTERS AND LIFE

The West and the Far East

HARRY HANSEN

THE EDUCATION OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE

in the complicated political and economic
affairs of the Far East has been accelerated
considerably since Joseph C. Grew pub-
lished his detailed report of the attempts of
the State Department to stem the creeping
imperialism of Japan. Save for the Pacific
Coast, which had long resented the com-
petition of Japanese farmers, the United
States generally Nvas not deeply interested.
Until Pearl Harbor it did not lose sleep
over the Japanese naval and military might.
There is still an impression that the
Japanese are religious fanatics, fighting a
holy war for their emperor, rather than
shrewd, calculating businessmen trying to
dominate a great commercial and industrial
empire. Owen Lattimore, who has studied
both the commercial and the political is-
sues in the Far East, informs us about the
latter phase in his new book, "Solution in
Asia." (Little, Brown. $2.)

Time to Wake Up

Mr. Lattimore's book is an alarm clock,
intended to wake Americans to political
realities in the Far East, and the staccato
manner in which he makes his unequivocal
statements is like the pounding of the ham-
mer on the bell. He has a number of aims:
to show how the United States, by its ad-
herence to the principle of extraterritoriality
in China, connived at certain doubtful
practices of the Japanese; to argue that
whatever our intentions independently of
Britain and The Netherlands, we shall be
judged by the policy of the coalition toward
former colonies and China; and to point
out that "the great historical age of im-
perialism" is ending and that we must
adapt ourselves to the change by evolution-
ary methods, or suffer an eventual revolu-
tion that will bring it about by force. This
involves also the development of a specific
policy toward Japan.

Mr. Lattimore is convinced that while
Japan has come too late to exploit Asia
along imperialistic lines, the United States
will be forced by events to drop imperialis-
tic designs before they have been fully de-
veloped. The main reason is the impact of
Russia on the old order and the tendency
of all colonial peoples to become part of
"the freedom bloc."

He asserts that there will be no cooling-
off period in which the United States can
make up its mind; it must do so now. He
wants cooperative action on all questions
by the big powers, bringing Russia into the
Far Eastern discussion and making "a

(All boo\s

workable reality" out of the Dumbarton
Oaks draft for a world organization and
the Bretton Woods draft for an interna-
tional monetary fund and an international
bank for reconstruction and development.

China naturally occupies a large part of
his discussion. He believes communist
China has proved its ability to serve the
peasants and, in limiting communist mem-
bership in governing bodies and councils
to one third of the total membership, has
taken "the most positive step by any party
away from dictatorship and toward de-
mocracy." He believes democracy better
served in these regions than under the
Kuomintang. However, he believes the
communists are not strong enough to nomi-
nate a candidate for president of China and
that Chiang Kai-shek would be nominated
by a coalition government.

He also denies that China is unable to
play an important part in the coming of-
fensive against Japan. The guerillas will be
of great importance, and "the fact that
political morale can be restored in China
should never be left out of military calcula-
tions."

It is evident that Mr. Lattimore believes
the democracy of the capitalist nations will
be put to the test in Asia. If they continue
to exploit the weaker countries and use
them solely "as an area of overflow for our
surplus energies," these countries will turn
for political help and capital to Russia. Mr.
Lattimore thinks our failure in Asia would
doom the cooperative world order as well
as the peace. He would not tolerate the
taking of islands, even for strategic reasons.
His comment on how to bring illumination
to our partners in the United Nations is
especially astute; he thinks our good ex-
ample must show the way to Great Britain,
France, and The Netherlands, which might
be inclined to restore the prewar situation.

Pacific Policies of the Future

Thomas Arthur Bisson, research associate
of the international secretariat of the In-
stitute of Pacific Relations, backs up Mr.
Lattimore in "America's Far Eastern
Policy" (distributed by Macmillan. $3),
although he is less interested in driving
arguments home to the layman. Mr. Bis-
son rehearses the development of our rela-
tions with Asia and observes also the need
for an agreement on policy for Southeast
Asia by Great Britain, France, The Nether-
lands, and the United States.

He believes prewar conditions have been
changed to some extent by the American
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
131

willingness to free the Filipinos and the
Dutch proposal for a commonwealth of
the East Indies, but that India and Burma
still pose great problems. He agrees, too,
that the United States and the Soviet Union
will have great influence on Pacific policies
of the future and that China will take the
place of Japan as the premier Far Eastern
representative in the new organization.

It is worth noting that both Mr. Latti-
more and Mr. Bisson are agreed that root-
ing out the military caste in Japan is not
enough. The monopolies and the emperor,
who is closely associated with industrial
and commercial extension, must be re-
moved. Mr. Bisson writes: "The hard
inner core of the imperial ideology is ab-
solutist, aggressive, and essentially inimical
to democratic concepts."

"Abolition of the institution is a task for
the Japanese people, acting under a "leader-
ship that cannot derive from the old
regime," he states. Mr. Lattimore is em-
phatic in declaring that the emperor must
not be removed by the victors, but by the
Japanese, and seems to have no doubt that
an opposition will arise after defeat. Mr.
Bisson says such forces "will certainly
emerge in Japan during the last stages of
the war or after defeat," and thinks they
will have to be left of center in order to
accomplish the needed reforms.

China's Contribution

China's political and economic problems
are considered realistically by David Nelson
Rowe, research associate of the Yale In-
stitute of International Studies in "China
Among the Powers," (Harcourt, Brace.
$2). The author knows China from first-
hand experience and was there as late as
1942.

Mr. Rowc is interested in determining ex-
actly what help China will be to the
United Nations, not only in finishing the
war but in helping to guarantee peace and
security in the Pacific. It is necessary to
understand the Chinese situation to judge
the extent of American policing of the Far
East in the next generation.

Mr. Rowe's book is the most serious of
the three. He does not have Mr. Latti-
more's precise convictions and assurance.
He sees that many difficult years lie ahead.
The business of keeping 75,000,000 Japan-
ese tied down in their islands to do work
that does not affect the economy of other
nations or lead to war is going to be one of
the biggest tasks in history.

(Continued on page 132)
be postpaid)

The industrial development of China is
a condition of China's ability to arm itself
and help police Asia. Mr. Rovve goes into
the questions of raw materials and person-
nel and concludes that a long range pro-
gram of training youths in mechanical tech-
niques must be begun and that the super-
abundance of cheap labor militates against
the creation of a large body of skilled in-
dustrial workers.

China has many virtues and many dis-
abilities, and while it may be made an
equal partner of the nations that must
guide the destinies of the Far East, it will
not be able to carry its full military or in-
dustrial load for many years. But Mr.
Rovve believes the pragmatism of the Chin-
ese will be most valuable and their in-
dividualism will "exert its influence against

the irrationalities of totalitarian etatism
either communist or fascist."

Mr. Rowe proposes that one source of
possible friction with Russia be removed by
the cession of Outer Mongolia to Russia for
an agreed price. "China has not had any
effective control over this territory and its
Mongol population for at least thirty
years." He also suggests that the cause of
peace will be served by the return of the
Hong Kong territory.

This book, as well as those by Mr. Latti-
more and Mr. Bisson, indicate what grave
problems of policy confront the United
States in the Pacific, the most difficult of
which will be the continued observation
and restriction of Japan and the need of
practicing democracy in the East if Japan
is to become a democratic nation.

CHINA FROM THE BOTTOM UP

CHINA AFTER SEVEN YEARS OF WAR,
edited by Hollington K. Tong. Macmillan.
#2.

REPORT FROM RED CHINA, by Harrison
Forman. Holt. #3.

THE VIGIL OF A NATION, by Lin
Yutang. John Day. #2.75.

THE CHINESE LABOR MOVEMENT, by
Nym Wales. John Day. #2.75.

TELL THE PEOPLE: Talks with James Yen
about the Mass Education Movement, by
Pearl S. Buck. John Day. #1.50.

TREATY PORTS, by Hallett Abend. Double-
day, Doran. #3.

I HAVE SEEN GOD WORK IN CHINA,
by Sherwood Eddy. Association Press. #1.50.

ON THE TWENTY-FIFTH OF THIS MONTH,

China joins the host countries at the first
conference of the United Nations in San
Francisco. The China of the "Big Five" is
neither the ancient Middle Kingdom nor
the modern republic of which the Chinese
merchants in San Francisco dreamed when
they helped Sun Yat-sen overthrow the
decayed Manchu dynasty. It is a China in
the throes of change: a China that has dis-
carded the cue, symbol of bondage; has
unbound the feet of women; has thrown
off the fetters of foreign control yet still
is chained by too many obsolete institutions
and attitudes to enjoy full freedom of
action.

Whether China is a "great po\ver"in fact
or by courtesy only is of no importance.
But what contribution China can make
after the war to the maintenance of peace
in the Western Pacific is of consequence to
all the nations represented at the San Fran-
cisco Conference. Her internal weakness
too long has made her a focus of interna-
tional rivalry, has encouraged Japan in a
brutal quest of empire. Mr. Hansen is re-
viewing some books that discuss the mili-
tary and political consequences of this
weakness. Here we shall briefly survey
some of the spring publications which look
at it more from the standpoint of the social
engineer whose business it is to correct a
faulty balance of stresses, to provide chan-
nels for the free flow of the nation's vigor.

Neglect of social ills, centuries old, ex-
treme poverty, unjust agrarian and indus-
trial relations no longer can be studied

merely as passing phases in the history of
a single people. They have come to hamper
every genuine step toward world security.
The threats to continuing peace in the com-
ing years will not come from boundary dis-
putes nor from inequality in the geographi-
cal distribution of natural resources. They
will come from the maintenance of arbi-
trary limits to the aspirations of simple
peasants and laborers. When the external
aggressor in Asia has been defeated there
will develop an internal front, in all the
countries of that region, of those who seek
the elementary satisfactions so long denied.

As Seen from Chungking

Because of this wider import, the discus-
sion of China's social problems, like that of
her political role, cannot take place entirely
with the academic calm of objective in-
quiry. In these days no book about China
can be assumed to tell the whole story or
give all sides of a particular controversy.
American readers should abandon a fruit-
less search for books about distant peoples
that are both "reliable" and also charged
with human interest. Public opinion in
this country now is of decisive importance
for the fate of others; to influence it no
longer is an exceptional design of either
foreign or native writers. For our own pro-
tection we must learn to recognize the bias
which is almost always there. We cannot
afford to discard all books suspect of pro-
paganda. Often they alone give us in read-
able form what we want to know. And it
is not really difficult to discern the ear-
marks of propaganda, once we are on the
alert.

The twelve pieces of Chinese and foreign
authors which Hollington K. Tong, China's
Vice-Minister of Information, has chosen to
put before foreign readers are propaganda
of the best sort. They do not pretend to be
anything but the observations of writers
who live in Chungking or elsewhere in
Chungking-governed China and necessarily
reflect the intellectual and social environ-
ment in which they find themselves. All of
the authors are skilled journalists; their
writing is technically flawless. Here and
there the reader will find criticism of the
government, but not hostility.

Some of the significant statements made
in this book about wartime China certainly
can be taken at their face value. For ex-
ample, that the war has brought closer to-
gether people from all walks of life is at-
tested by too many illustrations to be
doubted. The evidence that provincialism,
one of the curses of old-time China, has
been overcome to a remarkable extent is
irrefutable. And, whatever one may hear
about the increased power of rapacious
landlords, there is circumstantial proof that
from the civil servants down to the labor-
ers all working members of society have
hopes for the improvement of their lot
in tangible forms and often including the
reform of government. There has been a
new and substantial rise in the status of
women; but the legal protection of women
workers remains exceedingly sketchy. Many
of the other social advances, likewise, are
as yet of psychological rather than material
import.

How professors and students have turned
their knowledge and talents to new bread-
winning uses, how the presence of Ameri-
can soldiers has stimulated the study of
English, how noise and bright lights con-
tinue to give an illusion of gaiety, what a
"good" mayor does to please his citizens,
the cumbersome way in which wage scales
are adapted to constantly changing costs,
the peculiar increase in the demand for
books, the heightened social role of the tea
house these and many other topics are
discussed in ways that indicate larger social
changes. It is safe to conclude, for example,
that the Chinese intellectuals are rather
critical of the middle class and of foreign-
ers. Although there are few glimpses of
what they think of communists or collab-
orationists, they show concern with the
steps taken to implement the constitution.

The Kungchantang Regime

With the exactly opposite intent, namely
that of "showing up" the one-party govern-
ment of nationalist China and securing en-
thusiastic response for the policies and prac-
tices of the so-called communists (it would
be better to adopt the term of Kungchan-
tang for them, as contrasted with that of
Kuomintang for the national party), Har-
rison Forman tells of his journey last sum-
mer to "Red China." This trip, it will be
remembered, was made by a group of
American newspapermen with the consent
and aid of the national government, to se-
cure firsthand information on the character
of Kungchantang rule in those sections of
China which the party controls and on the
strategy of the separate war conducted by
the Eighth Route Army.

The book is lively and will be popular.
No smallest cloud obscures the azure
beauty of the Kungchantang regime, and
no redeeming ray is allowed to fall into the
villainous blackness of the Chungking gov-
ernment. There is an astonishing likeness
to some of the earlier American books
about the "Soviet experiment" in Russia.

Any reader interested in the truth about
China will find it well worthwhile to watch
for the earmarks of propaganda. He will
find many accounts of experience too pat
to carry conviction. The author continually

132

happens upon meetings where speeches and
discussions tell him exactly what he has
> come to find out. They are couched in col-
loquial American, with occidental phrases
;md allusions. Soldiers, students, peasants,
prisoners of war invariably reveal an at-
titude that fits into the rosy picture he
paints. Chinese from half a dozen prov-
inces, Japanese prisoners, Koreans and
Europeans converse without the slightest
indication of difficulty in mutual under-
standing.

Many factual statements are suspiciously
improbable. And yet this account of war-
time China is valuable. Even dramatized
descriptions of guerrilla strategy give a
sense of the sort of war that is being fought
in North China. In spite of mutually con-
tradictory statements by Kuomintang and
Kungchantang leaders, we get a clue to the
probable truth about the way in which the
communists came by large amounts of
Kuomintang weapons and equipment. An
understandable portrait is painted of the
"model" governor, Marshall Yen Hsi-shan.
Two documents the 1941 election plat-
form of the Border Region (communist)
Political Bureau and the draft program of
the (communist) Japanese People's Eman-
cipation League are given in detail. We
learn much incidentally about the psy-
chology of farmers and students, soldiers
and officials in a large part of China.

Essayist in Politics

Lin Yutang may be said, in his latest
book, to add to yet another stream of pro-
paganda directed at American public opin-
ion. In some respects as critical of the
national government of China as many
Americans, he nevertheless defends it. He
furiously attacks it detractors both at home
and abroad. China's contemporary master
of the light pen has found his very promi-
nence makes it virtually impossible for tiim
to keep out of politics.

He is unhappy over the lack of candor
with which the right and wrong of Chin-
ese politics have been discussed. He is em-
bittered by the unfairness of some of his
country's critics who do not distinguish be-
tween passing ills and problems inherent in
the historical phase through which China
is passing. He has permitted himself to be-
come the instrument of a reactionary group
in Chungking which is more concerned in
denouncing the allegedly scditionist regime
in North China than in helping to advance
the inescapable reform el government and
administration for all China.

Mr. Lin has brought upon his head an
avalanche of criticism by misjudging the
American public. The "general reader" is
no longer so naive as to swallow an enorm-
ous dose of political invective sugar-coated
with travelogue, anecdote, and amusing
commentary. It is to be hoped that the new
desire of all parties in China to get together
in a workable compromise will soon make
this unfortunate harangue obsolete and per-
mit the genial essayist to return to more
pleasant tasks.

The Awakening Masses

All recent books about China pay tribute
to a new force in that country's internal

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133

life: the rise of the people to a more re-
sponsible and purposeful role in the man-
agement of their own affairs. Nym Wales
(Mrs. Edgar Snow) displays this porten-
tous development in its central manifesta-
tion by describing the Chinese labor move-
ment from its beginning to this day. This
talented reporter has reinforced her field
studies with extensive literary researches
and has produced an account far superior
to any previously available. Although some
of the figures quoted from different author-
ities remain mutually contradictory or im-
plausible, she manages to recreate the pic-
ture of a unique episode in China's social
history.

There the labor movement preceded in-
dustrialization. Intolerable oppression dur-
ing the last phase of the Manchu regime
and the earlier phases of foreign enterprise
in China transformed many of the old
guilds into class-conscious trade unions.
Long hours and diminutive cash wages
could endure in small shops staffed with
poor relations and "apprentices." But they
were carried over into the realm of fac-
tories, railway construction, shipping and
port operation. Hence labor agitation at
once became anti-foreign and political and
was not geared to specific demands on
management.

Sun Yat-sen often is given credit for
initiating those larger principles which
merged many social discontents in a sub-
stantial social movement. But in theory as
well as in practice, the Chinese labor move-
ment remained inchoate in his time, was
held together more by mutual aid in strikes
than by a clear-cut common policy. In later
years the movement was first destroyed and
then rebuilt by the Kuomintang, the na-
tional party, as an appendix of its other
agencies of power politics. An independent
trade unionism was suppressed; it survived
only as a subterranean force. Labor legisla-
tion, though quite advanced, did not spring
from the demands of free, organized work-
ers, never was enforced or even enforce-
able.

Miss Wales departs sufficiently from her
main theme to discuss the state of labor
generally in wartorn China, the industrial
cooperative movement (about which she
has written another book), and the present
state of labor legislation and welfare work.
Her appended statistics, case histories of
particular unions, biographies, and chro-
nology of the labor movement are of spe-
cial value to the student.

Education to an End

Pearl S. Buck, who so often goes to the
heart of things, has taken advantage of the
presence of James Yen in this country to
obtain from him, by means of a series of
interviews, an up-to-date account of the
Mass Education Movement. Mr. Yen, as
everybody knows, was propelled into a
great social adventure by his experience
during the First World War when it fell
to him, as an American-educated YMCA
worker, to look after the welfare of a large
Chinese labor force in France. That ad-
venture began as a personal conversion
from the typical attitude of the Chinese
scholar-gentlemen to one of love and re-

spect for the laboring masses. It led
through the years from concern over what
seemed to be their greatest social handicap,
their illiteracy, to a concern with the re-
education of the most numerous people in
the world.

Miss Buck drew from Mr. Yen a coher-
ent account of the movement from its be-
ginning. She recognized, as she tells in the
foreword, that there can be no real peace in
the world while there are glaring inequal-
ities of opportunity. Oppression and desti-
tution will continue until the instruments
of social self-protection are more evenly
distributed. The principal instrument is
that of education; and while the Chinese
peasant always has had education of a sort,
it does not suffice to protect him in these
days of world prices and concentrated poli-
tical control. He must know how to read,
how to adapt the findings of scientific in-
quiry to his own needs and resources, how
to organize with his neighbors, how to pre-
vent the recurrence of the old cycle be-
tween over-population and famine, between
over-confidence and epidemics.

This book tells how inevitable was the
transition from literacy as the early main
concern of mass education to a curriculum
as wide as the life and the problems of the
Chinese peasant problems of production,
hygiene, good government. Some of the
campaigns which Mr. Yen and his friends
started were later taken up by others. In-
deed, his influence has reached parts of
China where he has never worked. But the
Mass Education Movement has remained
the central stem of that educational ad-
vance which is unbound by any ideology
and therefore has commended itself to citi-
zens and high officials of many political
creeds.

Its importance lies in the concrete tech-
nical application to tasks which in so vast
a country must differ materially from one
place to another. It lies in the stimulated
growth of an active sense of citizenship.
What appealed especially to Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek was that this educational
movement did not alienate the educated
villager from his country home but tended
to keep him there as an apostle of the new
knowledge and the New Life.

The war has not stopped the organized
movement of mass education but has ac-
celerated its progress in many ways. More
than ever its founder and leader looks upon
it as part of a great international forward
march of the common people in which the
stronger ones must help the weak.

Raconteur and Crusader

The books by Hallett Abend and Sher-
wood Eddy discuss recent events in China
informally. Both authors are skilled essay-
ists who know how to weave into readable
strands their own experiences and their
personal interpretations of men and move-
ments. Mr. Abend, writing for the "Seaport
Series," deals with the part which Shanghai
and the lesser ports of China have played
in the modern history of that country. He
is not, however, primarily concerned with
trade and shipping, but with the use which
foreign powers have made of the treaty
ports to force on China an economy that

134

has distorted her social growth. He tells of
life in these cities as a cynical American
reporter who yet at heart sympathizes with
the struggles of a great people in the throes
of social change. Often amusing, this book
is a good corrective for the sentimental
nonsense about China which unsophisti-
cated Americans have absorbed in such vast
quantities of late.

Sherwood Eddy, in a modest little vol-
ume, presents "personal impressions from
three decades with the Chinese." The cynic
and the apologist here find their match in
the gentle apostle of good will. Taking the
long view, Dr. Eddy pictures scenes and
personalities in a light that reveals a divint
purpose in all that is human and frail in
China.

Some readers may be inclined to scoff at
the importance which he attaches to the
influence of Christian teaching on the mod-
ern development of China. But, in retro-
spect, the importance attached by other
writers to that country's foreign trade or
to its five-and-ten-year plans may appear
even less realistic. Contemporaries cannot
measure the impact of any one alien culture
trait, whether material or religious. All one
can say with certainty is that the YMCA
and the churches have contributed not a
little to China's greatest hope the emerg-
ence of morally steadfast personalities.

. BRUNO LASKER

Research Associate, American Council
Institute of Pacific Relations

WHAT TO DO WITH JAPAN, by Wilfrid
Fleisher. Doubleday, Doran. $2.

MR. FLEISCHER'S SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATIONS
are: that Hirohito be deposed but that the
Imperial House should not be discontinued;
that the constitution be revised so as to in-
sure civilian control over the military ele-
ment and the Privy Council; that the in-
stitution of the Genro (or Council of ex-
premiers) be abolished; that the party sys-
tem be returned with an enlarged elec-
torate (including votes for women); that
Japan be stripped of all her conquests even
beyond the recommendations contained in
the Cairo agreement; that the Mandated
Islands be placed under the supervision of
a regional council, with the U.S.A. as the
administrative power; that we should do a
thorough job of occupying Japan and then
get out as quickly as possible; that the
Japanese army and military police be
abolished, the Japanese navy sunk, and
secret societies disbanded; that war crimi-
nals should be punished (with banishment
sufficing for Hirohito); that all of Japan's
heavy industry and all her merchant fleet
be destroyed and that she be deprived of
the privilege of building new ships after
the war; and that the form of Japan's
internal economic structure be left to the
determination of the Japanese people.

The book abounds in sweeping general-
ities and inconsistencies. It is well to call
for the just postwar economic treatment of
Japan, as Mr. Fleisher does, and to issue a
wise and timely plea that the reorganiza-
tion of Japan's internal economic system
must be left to the Japanese themselves.
But why go to extremes with a demand for

In the

Margins
off Chaos

By Francesco Wilson

A terrifyingly real picture of civilian
suffering, displaced populations,
disease and starvation, and of the
work the Quakers have done to
help innocent victims of war. In
her engrossing personal recollec-
tions, Francesca Wilson shows how
foreign relief actually functions
and describes many strange places
and interesting people. $3.00

China

After Seven
Years of War

Edited by Hollington K. Tong

Seven authors who know China at
first hand tell how the Chinese
people look, think, live, and fight
today. They picture concretely the
economic, social, and cultural con-
ditions of the China behind the
headlines at a critical moment in
her long history of resistance.
Photographs. $2.00

America's
Far Eastern
Policy

By T. A. Bisson

"A clear, succinct and unerring ac-
count of the events that led to
Pearl Harbor. No more thorough-
ly objective record of the period
between 1900 and 1941 is- avail-
able to the general public, and its
value in clarifying the issues at
stake in the Pacific war can hardly
be overstated." New York Herald
Tribune Book Review. $3.00

The Macmillan Company

60 Fifth Avenue New York 11

the complete destruction of all heavy in-
dustry, the destruction of Japan's entire
merchant fleet, and removal of the right to
build new merchant vessels? Can 80,000,-
000 persons, heavily dependent on foreign
trade, survive with no heavy industry and
without merchant vessels? Would not a
restriction of heavy industry to its 1929
peacetime level of 19.3 percent of Japan's
total manufactures suffice? Could not a rea-
sonable limit be placed upon merchant ves-
sel tonnage operating under the Japanese
flag?

Again, can permanent peace be estab-
lished in the Pacific almost wholly upon a
foundation of repressive measures against
Japan? The problem of peace in the Pacific
is the problem of world peace. Building
American outposts in Formosa and Korea
"to protect Korea from another Japanese in-
vasion" and again bringing Port Arthur
under Russian domination will add noth-
ing to a Pacific peace. It will only increase
nationalistic tensions in the Korea-Man-
churia region and set the stage for another
explosion there an explosion in which
Japan would play a minor role.

Part of the reason for the reviewer's im-
patience with this book is found in the
foreword, where the author states that he
felt the problem was beyond the scope of
any one individual and, therefore, "I have
sought the views of many who will prob-
ably have to dp with making the peace.
. . ." Even this method of collecting ideas
should not have barred Mr. Fleisher from
presenting the material in more orderly
fashion, first screening it through his own
mind. Out of a wealth of experience in
Japan, Mr. Fleisher should have been able
to produce a valuable book. It is to be re-
gretted that he did not do so.
Teacher in Japan 1921-41 JOE J. MICKLE

ASIA ON THE MOVE: Population Pressure,
Migration, and Resettlement in Eastern Asia
under the Influence of Want and War, by
Bruno Lasker. Holt. $3.
MR. LASKER, LONG A STUDENT OF ASIA, HERE
addresses himself to a difficult topic-
the causes, consequences, and prospects of
migration in Eastern Asia. The task is
hard not only because the data are scarce
and the area huge, but because the subject
has endless ramifications (as suggested by
the subtitle). Yet the book, sponsored by
the Institute of Pacific Relations, makes
an admirable effort to cover the field in
brief and simple fashion. It does not pre-
tend to be a systematic treatise, but a short,
informal discussion based on wide reading
rather than research and meant to be a con-
tribution to the agenda of peace.

Each major part of the volume discusses
the following areas: Southeast Asia, China,
Japan, Korea, and the Soviet Far East, with
some mention of India. After an introduc-
tory section the author deals with internal
migration within each of these. Next he
considers international migration in con-
nection with each, first with reference to
recent trends and second with reference to
postwar prospects. Finally, he deals with
Asiatic migration beyond Asia, and in a
brief section gives his conclusions.

Where the author must necessarily de-

The book that breaks the deadlock
on news from Communist China

by Harrison Forman

Illustrated with the author's
superb photographs

From the cave city of Yenan, the world's
most remote fighting capital, comes this first-
hand account of the courageous fighters who
are outlawed by Chungking and feared by
the Japanese. It is the first book-length re-
port to reach America after six years of
silence. Stripping aside the secrecy and mys-
tery imposed by the Kuomintang, veteran
correspondent Harrison Forman brings back
an objective, unbiased report of what he
personally saw and learned in Red China.

REPORT FROM RED CHINA is a bombshell of
information. It gives the full and complete
story of one of the most amazing fighting
.forces in the history of this war, and backs up
the report with documents never before
printed in this country, and with facts never
before revealed.

BUY WAR BONDS

(la answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
135

For every American
interested in
the future of
his country

DEMOCRACY

UNDER

PRESSURE

SPECIAL INTERESTS vs
THE PUBLIC WELFARE

by STUART CHASE

"In compact but readable form
Stuart Chase has thrown upon
the laps of the American peo-
ple a problem which must be
solved if democracy is going
to survive. It is the problem
of the pressure group in Amer-
ican life." Chicago Sun

WHEN :

THE WAR

ENDS

This is the fourth vol-
ume in Stuart Chase's
series, WHEN THE
WAR ENDS. Hare
you read his earlier
titles: THE ROAD
WE ARE TRAVEL-
ING, GOALS FOR
AMERICA and
W H ERE' S THE
MONEY COMING
FROM?

At all bookstores $1.00

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY FUND

330 West 42nd Street, N. Y. 18

scribe events in occupied areas, his fund of
current information and general plausibility
suggest reasonable validity. Future plans
must utilize whatever knowledge is avail-
able and some attempt to show what is
happening is better than none at all. The
Institute of Pacific Relations has done real
service by sponsoring venturesome and
somewhat journalistic descriptions of cur-
rent conditions when scarcity of data and
time make strictly scholarly work almost
impossible.

The author makes it clear that migration
depends, and will increasingly depend, on
world trade and industrial capital, rather
than simply, as often popularly conceived,
upon the existence of open spaces. For this
and other reasons he feels that the demo-
graphic center of gravity in China will
probably not move permanently westward;
that Western influence and Western people
will not be excluded from Asia but will
continue to live there on a more equal and
permanent basis; that the old type of
"coolie" migration is definitely a thing of
the past; and that permanent international
migrations in huge volume are less likely
than, for purposes of labor, short-term sea-
sonal migration, adequately protected and
paid and using modern fast means of
transport.

He does not expect that Asiatics will
seek entry to occidental countries to relieve
population pressure, but thinks they will
continue to resent exclusion policies based
purely on race. He considers that the'

tunity tor movement away from congested
areas, provided the planning is carefully
done.

A certain lack of focus and clarity oc-
casionally arises, especially with reference
to general principles. For instance, in one
of the most crucial matters the question
of how the rapid and unpropitious growth
of Asiatic populations can be halted with-
out increased mortality the author's posi-
tion is not easy to determine. This criti-
cism, however, applies to most migration
literature, and should not obscure the fact
that the present work contains a wealth of
relevant material and intelligent interpre-
tation. It is a workmanlike contribution
to contemporary debate on an important

topic. KlNGSLEY DAVIS

Office of Population Research
Princeton University

AMERICAN CHRONICLE, by Ray Stan-
nard Baker. Scribner. #3.50.

BIOGRAPHIES COMMONLY REVEAL TO A READER
more of the author himself than of the
ostensible subject upon which attention is
intended to be focused. This second volume
of the Ray Stannard Baker ("David Gray-
son") autobiography might more appropri-
ately be classified as "Memoirs." Character-
izations of significant individuals Clemen-
ceau, Lloyd George, Eugene V. Debs, Ida
Tarbell, and thumb-nail sketches of im-
portant events the Pullman strike, Coxey's
Army direct attention away from, rather
than to, the author.

President Harding is thus summarized:
"Like so many Americans, he simply cov-
ered his eyes to disagreeable facts and bol-
stered his optimism with gushing enthusi-
asm about the greatness of America."
Charles Evans Hughes, as Secretary of
State, was to Baker "a sturdy, erect person-
ality, with a gift for vigorous and often
pungent English" who "presented cogently
every possible reason for doing nothing."
Baker saw Hughes as "the impressive advo-
cate of Harding's weakness and fear." He
quoted President Wilson as saying of
Hughes, "He has certain qualities of in-
dustry in a prepared course, but goes to the
core of nothing."

There is infinitely more autobiography in
the bucolic "David Grayson" series of
Baker's alter ego, beginning with the heart-
warming "Adventures in Contentment"
than there is in "American Chronicle." Yet
his sympathetic reaction to the wide range
of personalities who rubbed his elbows or
clasped his hand over three quarters of a
century, carry conviction that more con-
scious expositions of indiscretions or preju-
dices would lack. There is little clash be-
tween the reporter-historian Baker and the
rustic philosopher "Grayson." They have
the same profile. The unwritten great
American novel might well supply a full
face.

This is the story of a sensitive and hum-
ble man who, unlike Henry Adams, found
in Woodrow Wilson a leader he could sup-
port and to whom he could give devotion,
understanding, and loyalty. As Wilson's
press representative at Versailles, and later
as his official biographer, Mr. Baker can
and does write with high authority. Tolstoy

Asiatic area itself affords plenty of oppor-

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ

136

has observed that no two men see the truth
alike. Here and there one suspects Baker
of superimposing a part of his own fine
qualities on those of his hero. As he left
the simple service at Woodrow Wilson's
funeral, he found himself repeating from
"The Brothers Karamazov": "'The just
man passeth away, but his light remaineth:
and it is after the Savior's death that men
most are saved. Mankind will reject and
kill their prophets, but will love their
martyrs and honor those whom they have
done to death.' "

For twelve years Baker had consciously
devoted his abilities and energies to an en-
deavor to make Wilson's influence more
potent. After 1922, he was to devote
another fourteen years to inscribing a per-
manent tablet to project that influence
among succeeding generations. Not the
least of his tributes to Woodrow Wilson
is that that statesman could attract and
hold, in memory, as well as in life, the un-
measured devotion of such a man as Ray
Stannard Baker.

RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.
Cornwall, N. Y.

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF WORLD
AGRICULTURE, by Karl Brandt. Norton.
*4.

PRE-NAZI GERMANY, ORGANIZED AROUND THE
democratic structure of the Weimar Repub-
lic, produced some brilliant scholars and
champions of the cause of world peace and
international collaboration. Among these
was Karl Brandt, a young economist of
great promise, who because of his demo-
cratic views was forced to leave Germany
when Hitler came into power.

Coming to the United States, Mr. Brandt
distinguished himself in academic circles
and, as professor of agricultural economics
on the staff of the Food Research Institute,
Stanford University, he is regarded today
as a leading authority in matters dealing
with world food requirements. With Sir
John Orr of Scotland and F. L. McDougall
of Australia, Mr. Brandt believes in the
idea of building a peace on the foundation
of a sound international program that will
solve the problems of agricultural surpluses
on the one hand, ^nd underconsumption
on the other.

In this new book, Mr. Brandt brings to-
gether the important facts which must be
faced in the postwar economic reconstruc-
tion of the world. He envisions a coopera-
tive world in which there would be no in-
surmountable tariff barriers and impedi-
ments to foreign trade. The point of view
throughout is that of the school of thought
which hopes for postwar freedom of en-
terprise between nations.

The author points to the desirability of
low tariffs and the widest possible interna-
tional exchange of goods. He reasons that
there should be no food surpluses, consider-
ing the world's food needs. He makes an
effective plea for a broader plane of inter-
national collaboration in the fields of trade,
expanded capital exports, and stabilized
currencies. He stresses the fallacy of bi-
lateral trading between nations and sug-
gests that such an arrangement is the in-
evitable precursor of war. The solution he

offers to the problems presented depends
clearly, of course, on whether the postwar
world will be the kind he hopefully pic-
tures. He presents no alternative which
might have to be adopted should we fail at
establishing a relatively free international
economy.

The book is probably the best to date on
the all-important subject of food and agri-
culture in the postwar world. It is writ-
ten in a style that will please not only the
professional economist but likewise interest
the general reader, bent on being intelli-
gently informed about the vital issues at
stake issues which must be faced if we
and the coming generation are to enjoy
an era of peace. M. L. WILSON

Director of Cooperative Extension Wor\
War Food Administration
U. S. Department of Agriculture

MISSION OF THE UNIVERSITY, by Jose
Ortega y Gasset, translated with an intro-
duction by Howard Lee Nostrand. Prince-
ton University Press. $2.

MOST OF THE NUMEROUS DISCUSSIONS OF

higher education that we hear and read
today are carried on with almost exclusive
reference to the institutions of our own
country. It is, therefore, refreshing and
stimulating to have a distinguished Euro-
pean thinker deal with these problems
without the assumptions that underlie most
of our American criticisms and proposals.
Indeed, so far is the author from being
swayed by American practice that he seems
to be totally unaware of it. "Is it per-
chance," he asks, "a mere accident that
only Europe has possessed universities,
among so many peoples?" Nevertheless,
there is much in this little volume with a
direct bearing upon our problems.

In Ortega's view, the moderri university
concerns itself with two things: (1) train-
ing for the learned professions; (2) scien-
tific research and the training of investi-
gators. "Compared with the medieval uni-
versity, the contemporary university has
developed the mere seed of professional in-
struction into an enormous activity; it has
added the function of research; and it has
abandoned almost entirely the teaching or
transmission of culture." He wishes to re-
store culture to a primary place in the uni-
versity, and to detach research from it. He
demies culture as "the vital system of ideas
of a period," and the lack of it he asserts
to be the cause of our present woes. "The
convulsive situation in Europe at the pres-
ent moment [he is writing in 1930, before
the fall of the Spanish dictatorship] is due
to the fact that the average Englishman,
the average Frenchman, the average Ger-
man are uncultured. They are ignorant of
the essential system of ideas concerning the
world and man, which belong to our time."

About the content of culture, so under-
stood, Ortega is quite specific. The great
cultural disciplines are the physical scheme
of the world; the fundamental themes of
organic life; the historical process of the
human species; the structure and function-
ing of social life; the plan of the universe.

One may note that there is no recogni-
tion here of the division that pervades edu-
cational discussion among us, between

science and the humanities; and, being
ignorant of the American conception of the
undergraduate college, he does not consider
its claim to serve the cultural purpose he
urges.

The intrusion of research into the teach-
ing university he finds disastrous, since in
addition to having led to the elimination of
culture, "it has deflected attention from the
problem of how best to train professionals
for their professions." With some passion
he observes that "any nincompoop that has
been six months in a school or laboratory
in Germany or North America, any parrot
that has made a third rate scientific dis-
covery, comes back a nouveau riche of
science. Without having reflected a quarter
of an hour on the mission of the university,
he propounds the most pedantic and ridic-
ulous reforms. Moreover he is incapable of
teaching his own courses, for he has no
grasp of the discipline as a whole."

Having thus separated research from the
university, Ortega is rhapsodic about the
achievements of science, but somewhat ob-
scure as to the kind of organization by
which the university is to draw from
science its dignity and the breath of its life,
while excluding investigators from its walls.
There are many provocative and pene-
trating passages in these lectures, notably
that on the "principle of economy in edu-
cation," in which he attacks the modern
university for its pretense of doing far
more than is possible, and ignoring the
limitations of the learning capacity of the
ordinary student. "The university of today
... is a tropical underbrush of subject mat-
ters. . . . The principle of economy not
only implies that it is necessary to econo-
mize in the subject matter to be offered.
It has a further implication: that the or-
ganization of higher education . . . must be
based upon the student, and not upon the
professor or upon knowledge."

A rousing and courageous book, with
much to contribute to the solution of our
educational problems.

WILLIAM A. NEILSON
Former President, Smith College

THE REBIRTH OF LIBERAL EDUCA-
TION, by Fred B. Millett. Harcourt, Brace.

*2.
I FEAR THAT THE AUTHOR WOULD NOT CON-

sider me competent to review his book for
he believes that, with a few exceptions,
college presidents are incapable of "more
than the obvious banalities about the signi-
ficance" of the educational process. How-
ever, he is equally truculent towards his
faculty brethren and despite his studied
provocative style, or perhaps because of it,
the book should be read by both presidents
and faculties.

The author rehearses all the familiar
criticisms of the conventional college and
conventional scholarship. Some are real
and serious, but it is only fair to add that
forces apparently unrecognized by the
author are at work to correct them. We
can agree that Mr. Millett has directed his
fire at vulnerable points. But many of us
will not agree that he has found the cure
for the evils he describes.

His cure is to "restore" the humanities

For every serious student
of political economy

England in the

Eighteen-

Eighties

TOWARD A SOCIAL BASIS
FOR FREEDOM

By Helen Merrell Lynd

Emery Neff of Columbia Uni-
versity says: "This historical study
of the first transition from in-
dividualism to collectivism in a
modern industrial society is of the
highest importance for our under-
standing of the present spread of
a similar tendency to a world
scale." $4.50

OXFORD UNIVERSITY
114 Fifth Avenue, N. Y. 1 1

a new edition of . . .

PEACE AND BREAD
IN TIME OF WAR

JANE ADDAMS

With an introductory essay
by JOHN DEWEY

A re-issue of Miss Addams' favor-
ite book. She well knew that to-
day's hungry children are the
soldiers of tomorrow's Caesar.
And she knew, too, that the
United States must lead the na-
tions into "a wider life of co-
ordinated political activity."
Lead; not drive them like sheep.
But, in 1922, Peace and Bread
was ahead of its time. That time

is now.

$2.00
(292 pages; paper bound)

KING'S CROWN PRESS
(292 pages; paper bound)

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

137

THE SHAPING OF

PSYCHIATRY

BY WAR

By Brigadier John
Rawlings Rees, M.D.

The Consulting Psychiatrist to
the British Army presents a clear
and comprehensive survey of psy-
chiatry in war and the role it can
play in building a sound postwar
society. The war has opened new
responsibilities for the psychiatrist,
making urgent such problems as
training methods, morale and dis-
cipline, and the resocialization of
the sick and wounded problems
that have their important applica-
tions in civilian life as well. Keenly
aware of the social aspects of
psychiatry, Brigadier Rees stresses
the importance of military and
civilian morale and looks forward
to the part psychiatry can play in
solving problems of mental health
in communities and nations. $2.50

CONTRIBUTION

TO
PSYCHIATRY

By A. A. Brill,
Ph. B. M.D.

"Part autobiography, part ex-
position, part case book;
Deludes extensive quotat-s
from Freud's correspond*
^d it is fascinating reading
from first to last."
-Philadelphia Inquirer.

At all bookstores

"BOOKS THAT LIVE"

W. W. NORTON & CO., 70 Fifth Ave., N. Y. 11

to chief place in the hierarchy of the col-
lege curriculum. The "primary objective
of liberal education," he asserts, "is the
analysis and discrimination of values"
found in "literature, the arts, philosophy,
religion and history." True, no one will
claim that any college which does not edu-
cate its students in these subjects can prop-
erly be said to be liberal. But this does not
imply that a liberal education should pay
only lip service to the natural sciences and
the social studies.

Education that aims at polishing the
individual or making him adept only in
abstract thinking about humanistic values
tends to make him but a spectator of life,
a self-centered, introspective, sterile person,
not a participant. Science and the social
studies are an integral part of our culture.
They contribute their values to life and
nothing is gained by exalting "humane"
values and belittling the others.

Mr. Millett writes that "on the scale of
human values the humanities rank highest
because these disciplines are primarily con-
cerned . . . with individual and humane
values." I have read this sentence several
times and confess that for me it is but
reasoning in a circle. The humanists are
in confusion regarding values. I suspect
that the term is a euphemism for "ab-
solutes." If so, why not face the fact that
there are absolutes in life? I for one should
go along with them if they would.

I suspect that what I have written will
brand me in some quarters as no friend of
the humanities. On the contrary I am their
warm friend as I think my record proves.
But I am no more a friend to their im-
perialistic ambitions than I am to the im-
perialistic pretensions of science. The con-
tending claims of the humanities and
science for universality for their subjects
leads nowhere. By asserting universality
the humanists only make it harder for
their friends to defend the humanities.

HAROLD W. DODDS
President, Princeton University

SITUATION NORMAL: The Story of a
Journey in Search of a Theme for a War
and a War Film, by Arthur Miller. Reynal
&. Hitchcock. #2.

WHEN LESTER COWAN OF THE MOVIES DE-
cided "to make a soldier picture which
soldiers would sit through without once
laughing in derision," he bought Ernie
Pyle's book and hired Arthur Miller to go
out among men of the Army Ground
Forces to get supplementary material. This
book is the record of Mr. Miller's travels
trying to find out "what this war and what
this army meant to a lot of guys who were
being soldiers." And quite apart from the
fate of the resultant movie, "G.I. Joe," this
simple record of what Mr. Miller saw and
felt and conversations he had with men in
many stages of training, from a Reception
Center to an Officers Candidate School, con-
tains much interesting information on the
molding of American boys into soldiers and
what they think about while this is going

versal reason which makes it possible for
so many different sorts of men to be willing
to risk so much in battle for their America.
He thinks that he found it, expressed in
almost as many different ways as the men
he talked with. They are not fighting to
keep things the same or for free enterprise
or even for jobs, as has been so much ad-
vertised. But, simply, "that we believe all
men are equal. We really believe it, most
of us, and because a powerful force has
arisen in the world dedicated to making the
people of the world us included unequal,
we have therefore decided to fight." He
presents much telling evidence to sustain
this conclusion.

In battle, faith in their leaders and enemy
pressure, together with belief in our cause,
will make our soldiers fight well up to the
end. But what of the postwar future?
There is such a gap between the unity of
men in battle and the apparent dissidence
on the home front that the impact of the
return of our fighting men is bound to be
tremendous, both individually and collec-
tively. Will the old incentives of our civil-
ization suffice to take the place of the war-
time dedication of our fighting men? That
is one big challenge of this war and how it
is met may well determine whether we will
win the peace, too.

IST. LT. RICHARD PATRICK KELLOGG
Fort Dix, N. f.

PEACE AND BREAD

(Continued from page 118)

Mr. Miller set out to find, in addition to
local color and characters, evidence of what
he calls Belief among soldiers, of a uni-
anstvering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
138

endeavors at international organization will
decide the success or failure of efforts to
achieve lasting peace. This is no mere pre-
diction, but is based on the solid experi-
ence of the past.

The significance attached by Miss
Addams to the need for food points to a
trait which animates almost every page of
"Peace and Bread" for the association of
the two words in the title is fundamental.

The need for bread is a symbol of the
importance accorded by Miss Addams to
natural impulse and primitive affection.
Her faith in them was the source of her
interest in "social settlements"; it was
nourished by the experiences that centered
in Hull House.

All who knew Miss Addams also know
of her insistence that sharing in the activi-
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of the earth are those in whom primitive
impulses of friendly affection are the least
spoiled, the most spontaneous. Her faith
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wrote because it was a part of the life she
lived from day to day. Her own life was
an active anticipation of what a recent
writer has put into words: "Society will
develop by living it, not by policing it."

Miss Addams did not put her trust in the
"Carlyle contention that the peoples must
be led into the ways of righteousness by

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the experience, acumen, and virtues of the
great man." Her faith was at the opposite
pole. Leaders, whether political or intel-
lectual, were to her trustees for the interests
of the common people. Theirs was the
duty and the task of giving articulate and
effective form to the common impulses she
summed up in the word "Fellowship."

Were Jane Addams with us today her
voice and pen would tell us how the events
of the years which have intervened between
two world wars have intensified the evils
which will surely follow if leaders betray
the trust committed to them events which
have deepened the need for those humane
processes and organs which alone can bring
hope of enduring peace to a tragically
torn and bleeding world.

THEY CAN BE MADE OVER

(Continued from page 129)

the terror of his previous school soon dis-
appeared. His classmates never learned that
he was only ten years old.

Some time ago the school enrolled a pu-
pil with a misshapen palate and upper lip.
Facially and vocally deformed, the boy had
been ridiculed so much and punished so
much for assaulting his tormentors that he
wore the look of a hunted animal. Before
he entered his new class, the teacher told
the pupils that they were to prove their
good characters by not taking any notice
of his affliction. For the first time in his
life, other children received him as an
equal. He advanced two years in reading
ability in a single term, distinguished him-
self in the woodworking shop, and, accord-
ing to the psychiatrists at a New York
clinic who had long dealt with his dis-
couraging case, "simply exuded happiness
and contentment." Even his speech im-
proved. When he graduated a few years
ago, he gave an intelligible talk before the
entire school.

The teachers maintain a fund to pur-
chase eye-glasses for pupils who cannot af-
ford them, and assist in other ways. One
of their oddest contributions ' was made on
behalf of a boy who was totally bald. He
arrived at the school under the wing of
the usual truant officer, his shiny head
hidden under a leather skull cap, and his
face marked by the sullen bitterness of a
long martyrdom. First, Mrs. Rashkis senl
him to a clinic to see if there was any
chance of restoring his hair. This proved
impossible, so the teachers clubbed together
and bought him a toupee. "After he be-
gan looking human, he turned out to be
quite a nice boy," the principal said.

Alumni of P.S. 37

Of course, P. S. 37 does not succeed in
salvaging every pupil. Sometimes the de-
structive patterns are too deeply set, or
the home situation is so bad that commit-
ment to an institution furnishes the only
answer. But, in the vast majority of cases,
the graduates get jobs or enter high school,
and move along the road to useful citizen-
ship.

(Continued on page 140)

William H. Kilpatrick
Member, Editorial Advisory Board

Ilie ENCYCLOPAEDIA of

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That the school's influence does not end
when the boys leave is shown by the loy-
alty of its former pupils. Hardly a day
goes by when at least one does not drop
in to tell Mrs. Rashkis about a new job,
introduce his bride, bring pictures of his
children, or show a decoration awarded
overseas. I saw a redheaded marine cor-
poral who had just come back from the
South Pacific with ribbons indicating a
Purple Heart and a Presidential Unit Cita-
tion. When Mrs. Rashkis introduced him
as a former pupil, the boys sang "The
Halls of Montezuma" with a fervor that
shook the auditorium.

"I didn't deserve all that praise," he said
afterward. "The praise should go to the
teachers who made men of us."

According to Judge Marchisio, schools
such as P. S. 37 established through the

nation would mean a long step toward the
cure of juvenile delinquents. P. S. 37, with
its smaller classes and extra personnel, costs
more than the average New York public
school; but as Dr. Frank J. O'Brien, asso-
ciate superintendent of schools, points out,
the added expense is small compared to
the cost of institutional care and possible
imprisonment to say nothing of broken
lives. "And many of the features are not
dependent on extra cost," Dr. O'Brien says.
"The spirit of friendliness, the concern for
the pupil's self-respect, and the use of re-
sponsibility to build self-confidence can be
applied anywhere that there are wise and
sympathetic teachers." Even if a commu-
nity is too small to afford a separate school,
the same principles can be applied. This
kind of school atmosphere can, in fact,
bring out the best side of all children.

PUBLIC HEALTH IN THE POSTWAR WORLD

(Continued jrom page 122)

nursing personnel, in hospitals and medical
schools, and research laboratories, the ac-
tual delivery of service to low income
families is woefully inadequate.

The reason why shortage of medical care
operates far above the range of families
lacking in respect to food or shelter is that
medical care is so variable a factor that
only at very high economic levels is it
possible to budget for its emergencies.

At reasonably high income levels, a con-
siderable part of the problem can be solved
by systems of voluntary prepayment, com-
bined with group practice to furnish care
with efficiency and economy. So far as the
single factor of the hospital bill is con-
cerned, some 16,000,000 people are now
covered by the various "Blue Cross" pre-
payment plans.

If the lower half of the population is to
be served, however (and if many of those
above this level are to receive completely
adequate care), the only practical procedure
which will solve the problem is compulsory
insurance. Under this plan a contribution
to the insurance fund is required by law
from every worker in certain industries and
trades and from every white-collar worker
below a certain income level. Employers
are required to contribute to the fund
(often on a fifty-fifty basis); and the state
may add a small subsidy out of taxes. The
Health Program Conference which recently
reported on the "Principles of a Nation-
wide Health Program" concludes that such
a system, to be effective, must cover "all or
most of the population"; that "it is essen-
tial that financial participation in the sys-
tem be required by law"; and that the plan
should provide for complete medical and
hospital care and preventive services. [See
"Health for the Nation," by Michael M.
Davis, Survey Graphic, December, 1944.]

Parallel with the evolution of such an
orderly system of prepayment, there must
be developed equally important reforms in
the technique of rendering service, with
organized groups of general physicians and
specialists in due proportions, pooled use of

equipment and assistant personnel, and af-
filiation with a hospital. Through well-
organized group practice under a prepay-
ment plan, about twice as much physicians'
and auxiliary service may be furnished for
the same total expenditures as Americans
are accustomed to spend for comparable
care. Even more important is the fact that
group practice is the only means of main-
taining and promoting a high quality of
medical care; for, in this field, quality is
more important than quantity. The facil-
ities provided for good medical practice in
a well-equipped hospital health center, the
relief from clerical and financial respon-
sibility, and the stimulus of intimate con-
tact with professional colleagues in a com-
mon task have proved most powerful in-
fluences in promoting quality of medical
service.

Group payment and group practice are
the two avenues of approach to this im-
portant problem; and they are avenues
which can be pursued without too much
alarm about the bogie men supposed to
lurk in the bushes beside the road. All
that is proposed is a program by which hos-
pitals and physicians shall be encouraged to
cooperate in the rendering of efficient serv-
ice and by which the public shall cooperate
in a rational method of accumulating funds
to pay for such service.

This is why the American Public Health
Association, at its meeting last fall, adopted
an official policy which states that "a na-
tional program for medical care should
make available to the entire population all
essential preventive, diagnostic, and cura-
tive service." This is why the American
Dental Association has declared that "den-
tal care should be available to all regardless
of income or geographic location." This is
why Mayor La Guardia has approved a
program of complete medical care for all
employes of New York City, jointly sup-
ported by the employes and the city itself.
This is why Governor Earl Warren has
sponsored a compulsory insurance bill for
California. This is why the Wagner-Mur-

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

140

Winner of the

PARENTS' MAGAZINE
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SOLDIER

CIVILIAN

By GEORGE K. PRATT, M,D.

Foreword by

GEORGE S. STEVENSON, M.D.

Medical Director, National
Committee for Mental Hygiene

"By far the most valuable
study of our duty to the
veteran that has been pub-
lished. Just as it tells what
extraordinary measures
the army authorities have
taken to make good sol-
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explains our part in help-
ing to make good civilians
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ray-Dingell bill has been brought belon
Congress. The time is ripe for action.

Mental Health

In considering the problems of the
future, we must not forget that mental and
emotional health is fully as momentous a
problem as so-called "physical" health. In
any given community, the number of in-
stitutional beds occupied by patients suf-
fering from mental and nervous disorders
is nearly equal to the number of beds oc-
cupied by sufferers from all other forms
of disease taken together. Furthermore,
this ratio is likely to increase in the future.
This will result from three causes.

First, our present institutional facilities
are in most states inadequate; as new
beds for mental and nervous diseases are
provided, they will be occupied by patients
who should be hospitalized but have not
previously been admitted because of lack of
space. Second, since the average period of
institutional care for such diseases is much
more than a year, even a fixed rate of
annual admissions will cause a progressive
increase in total hospital population. Third,
the steady advance in the mean age of our
population inevitably involves an increased
total incidence in mental disorders of senile
degenerative type. We must, therefore, be
prepared to increase our present institu-
tional facilities in most states and to im-
prove their physical and professional stan-
dards in nearly all states.

Advanced cases of mental disease, of
such a nature as to demand institutional
care, constitute only a part of the problem.
More important in their total influence on
society are the relatively minor emotional
problems the doubts and fears and uncer-
tainties and maladjustments which, in
greater or less degree, handicap all of us
in the conduct of our daily lives. These are
not identical with the more specific and
serious forms of mental disease with which
the psychiatrist deals in a state hospital.
This is, perhaps, why the institutional
psychiatrist, whose experience is with ad-
vanced stages of specific disease, often fails
to comprehend the possibilities of mental
hygiene.

The two areas undoubtedly overlap. The
mental hygiene clinic will keep some in-
dividuals from developing their emotional
tendencies so 'far as to require institutional
care. In the main, however, the fields are
distinct. There is an analogy here with
pneumonia and the common cold. Colds
may predispose to pneumonia, but in them-
selves are primarily important as causes of
disability. Yet there is one vital difference
between these two fields. We cannot, as
yet, do much to control the common cold;
while, thanks to new methods of therapy,
we can do much to control pneumonia
mortality. On the other hand, our mental
institutions can restore perhaps a third of
their patients to reasonably normal life;
while the mental hygiene clinic can ac-
complish far more significant results.

The war has presented us with a vital

challenge to improve this branch of our

community facilities. Colonel 'L. G. Rown-

tree of Selective Service has told us that

(Continued on page 144)

New York Sun: "Drive is Begun on
Epilepsy."

New York Times: "Some Plain English
on Epilepsy."

EPILEPSY -THE GHOST
IS OUT OF THE CLOSET

Public Affairs Pamphlet No. 98

(10 cents a copy)

Must ignorance of the scientific facts
about epilepsy ruin the lives of increas-
ing numbers of returning veterans, of
thousands of young children, and other
individuals?

Help To spread the truth that epileptics
are people who ask only to be treated
as such.

Send for your copy of this
pamphlet today then write
us for additional copies to dis-
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families, your associates; to
use in group educational work.

50 copies, $4; 100 copies, $8

200 copies, $15.
(plus mailing charges)

Public Affairs Committee, Inc.

30 Rockefeller Plaza
New York 20, N. Y.

ANNOUNCING:

The publication of a monograph for use
by physicians, psychiatrists, psychothera-
pists, social workers, clergymen, patients
and relatives:

ALCOHOLICS ARE SICK PEOPLE

by Robert V . Seliger, M.D., Instructor in
Psychiatry, .T*hns Hopkins University Medical
School; Assistant Visiting Psychiatrist, Johns
Hopkins Hospital; Medical Director, Haarlem
Lodge, Catonsville, Md. ; Medical Director, The
Farm for Alcoholic Patients, Howard County,
Md. ; Executive Director, The National Commit-
tee on Alcohol Hygiene, Inc.

and Victoria Cranford, Psychotherapist and Ror-
schach Analyst, Haarlem Lodge. Catonsville,
Md.; The Farm for Alcaholic Patients, Howard
County, Md.

edited by:

Harold S. Goodwin, Day City Editor, The Balti-
more Sun, Baltimore, Md.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. The Purpose of this Monograph's Therapy

(Treatment) .

2. Are You an Alcoholic?

3. IF You Are An Alcoholic.

4. What Really Drives You to Drink?

5. Alcoholism Doesn't Make Sense.

6. Taking The Mental Hurdles.